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Rocky times: no-confidence motion set to dump premier

Rocky times: no-confidence motion set to dump premier

Perth Now2 days ago

A Liberal state minority government is in political turmoil with a premier set to be dumped by parliament and a snap election looming.
Tasmanian Premier Jeremy Rockliff faced a no-confidence motion on Wednesday, with a marathon debate expected to continue when sittings resume on Thursday morning.
The motion, put forward by the Labor opposition, appears all but certain to pass with support of the Greens and three crossbench MPs.
Mr Rockliff has conceded the numbers are against him but has vowed to "fight to his last breath" and not resign.
This stance could end up triggering an election, some 15 months after the Liberals were returned to power, governing in minority with just 14 of 35 seats in the lower house.
Labor and some of the crossbench have lashed Mr Rockliff for budget "mismanagement" and delays and cost blowouts to the delivery of two new Bass Strait ferries.
Some crossbenchers and the Greens are opposed to a new $945 million stadium in Hobart, a condition of the Tasmania Devils entering the AFL in 2028.
Labor supports the team and a stadium, a position they reiterated on Wednesday.
The Devils fear an early election would delay the stadium project and put the club's licence at risk.
Senior Liberal MP Roger Jaensch told parliament Labor leader Dean Winter was trying to steal power by moving the motion.
"(He) has shown contempt for the Tasmanian people in favour of his own interest. Tasmanians voted for a Liberal government and Jeremy Rockliff," Mr Jaensch told parliament.
If the motion passes, the Liberals could try to govern with another premier, with current deputy Guy Barnett or former senator Eric Abetz the most logical options.
Greens leader Rosalie Woodruff has kept the door ajar for a minority government scenario with Labor, who only hold 10 lower-house seats.
Dr Woodruff said her party was prepared to work with Labor, saying Mr Winter could prevent Tasmania from going to an election in the event no feasible governing arrangement was found.
Independent Kristie Johnston, one of the three crossbenchers to support the motion, hasn't ruled out working with Labor.

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Betrayal over breakfast: How Dorinda Cox's shock defection was a year in the making
Betrayal over breakfast: How Dorinda Cox's shock defection was a year in the making

The Age

time31 minutes ago

  • The Age

Betrayal over breakfast: How Dorinda Cox's shock defection was a year in the making

Hours before the beleaguered Greens were set to choose a new leader after a rough election, the crossbench party's First Nations spokeswoman, Senator Dorinda Cox, was spotted having breakfast with unusual dining companions. She was eating 10 minutes away from the Treasury building in inner east Melbourne, near the MCG, where the party's remaining 12 MPs, including Cox, would vote that afternoon on the party leadership, following Adam Bandt's shock loss. Cox planned to put herself forward to be the Greens' deputy. But the West Australian senator wasn't dining with her Greens colleagues. Instead, she was joined by Labor senator Jana Stewart and her husband Marcus Stewart, the first co-chair of Victoria's First Peoples' Assembly. It was one of several conversations that Labor figures had with Cox before she stood next to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on Monday to announce she would be joining the party. Her defection shocked many; Greens leader Larissa Waters, voted in at the May 15 meeting, was told just 90 minutes before Cox went public. But the decision was 12 months in the making, and involved discussions with both Albanese and former Labor senator Pat Dodson, the 'Father of Reconciliation', sources familiar with the process but who asked to remain anonymous have told this masthead. Her departure deals another blow to the progressive crossbench party, already battered from losing its leader and two other lower house MPs in last month's election. The Greens retain the balance of power in the Senate but go backward, again, in number. The loss of their only Indigenous senator raises uncomfortable questions about representation. But that narrative belies the more complicated backdrop to her departure. Cox has been the subject of numerous complaints about her conduct and several Greens staffers were relieved the party would no longer have to defend her. She also had a fractious relationship with the Greens' internal Indigenous network, which exposed dysfunctional elements of the at-times secretive political party. The Green wave washes away In 2022, the Greens hit a high-water mark in Canberra. Their 16 parliamentarians included two Indigenous MPs. But a bitter relationship between Cox and firebrand senator Lidia Thorpe began almost as soon as they sat together in parliament for the first time that year. Cox, who came into parliament on a senate vacancy in 2021, had coveted the Indigenous affairs portfolio, which was given to Thorpe. Then the Voice referendum campaign began, fuelling the divide within the Greens over whether the party should be more activist or collaborative. Loading Thorpe and Cox disagreed over politics. Cox supported the Yes vote and made an argument for change from within. Thorpe advocated a progressive No case, describing the Voice as a powerless advisory body as she pushed for treaties instead. They also clashed personally. Thorpe revealed this week that she made a workplace complaint against Cox to the parliamentary watchdog. When Thorpe quit the Greens in early 2023, Cox was elevated to the First Nations portfolio and led the Greens to formally support the Yes case. But she never had the support of the Greens' First Nations Network – also known as the Blak Greens – which is a collective of the grassroots Indigenous party members that informs the party's policy positions and who should run the portfolio. Thorpe had helped launch the group around 2018, and it backed her No stance on the Voice right through to the vote in October 2023. The Blak Greens kicked Cox out of the network in 2023, in part because of bullying allegations, her support for the Voice, and her former career as a police officer. An altercation between Cox and the group's then-convenor, Tjanara Goreng Goreng, at Perth airport that year further soured the relationship. Loading One member of the Blak Greens who asked not to be named said Cox was seen as relatively conservative and distant from their concerns. 'There were lots of tensions and we didn't see eye to eye with her at all,' they said. At the party's national conference in Hobart in 2024, the Blak Greens called for the party to strip Cox of her portfolio and consider expelling her for her alleged bullying conduct. The statement divided the room at the time. Bandt continued to stand by Cox, but the dispute between the party's sole Indigenous MP and its membership had left the Greens' non-Indigenous leadership in a difficult predicament. Waters this week said the party's commitment to advocating on Indigenous issues would not waver. 'Our policies are still very firm for First Nations justice and we won't be changing course in that regard, [we] continue to really push on those issues,' she told the ABC. 'We do certainly have a bevy of grassroots First Nations members of our party… and we're really proud of that. And our policies have been crafted by those folk and our broader membership, and they are strong on truth-telling and treaties and justice.' But dysfunction in the Blak Greens makes that mission more complicated. A review of the network last year by Indigenous consulting firm MurriMatters unearthed a raft of problems with governance, relationship breakdowns and inconsistent advice to the Greens party room. A spokesperson for the group put its membership at about 300 people, with between 30 and 50 who are active, although one former senior member said meeting attendance was sometimes as few as five. Loading 'The network is at the bottom of an S-curve at the moment,' the former member said. 'There's a lot of infighting [and] people focus on personal grudges … You've got to work within all these structures, people pull against those tensions, and it's a large group of white people versus a small group of black people.' Some current members dispute the MurriMatters review findings, but the former member said: 'We're just hoping the review will set up a better structure.' All the while, the network's problems with Cox persisted. In the lead-up to last month's leadership ballot, the Blak Greens lobbied for a non-Indigenous MP, Mehreen Faruqi, to take the First Nations portfolio from her. The dynamics between Cox and the Blak Greens compounded the senator's problems with the broader party, who rejected her bid for the deputy leadership three votes to nine last month. Cox had been a Labor member before joining the Greens and running for a state seat in 2017. According to her leaked candidate nomination form from 2020, reported in this masthead, Cox described Labor as patronising to women and people of colour, and claimed the party cared more about its donors than members. But in the Greens, Cox soon emerged as a moderate voice in a party room that seemed to platform loud voices and strident positions. That left her feeling disillusioned and unsupported, people close to her say. Cox's return to Labor The conversations that would bring Cox back to Labor began at least a year ago. She made friendships within Labor circles during the last term of parliament and became close with senators Stewart and Dodson. Cox spoke with Dodson, a fellow West Australian and one of the country's most respected Indigenous leaders, in the weeks before her defection. But it was Albanese who led the discussions with the party's leadership, took the move to Labor's national executive and made the final call. Dodson did not respond to a request for comment. Asked about his breakfast with Cox, Marcus Stewart declined to comment. But Stewart gave his reflections on a move he called 'a masterstroke by Anthony Albanese'. 'There is clearly a cultural issue within their [the Greens] party room. Dorinda is a person who prioritises progress over protest, unlike the Greens,' he said. 'Dorinda had a decision to make. Do you want to be outside the building throwing water balloons? Or in the room, trying to influence better outcomes for First Nations people? And she made it. 'The pile-on by the Greens since Dorinda left just demonstrates why people didn't vote for them at the last election.' All political defections leave wreckage in their wake, and this week's was no different: within hours, multiple Greens began backgrounding against the woman they had been defending against bullying allegations for months. The reprisals included leaked text messages and details of previous comments she had made about Labor. Greens staffers think Albanese has taken on an unnecessary risk for a short-term political win. The prime minister will inherit any fallout from revelations in this masthead last October that Cox had 20 staff leave her office within three years, with five making some form of complaint to the Parliamentary Workplace Support Service, Bandt's office or the WA Greens. The allegations made by former Cox staff include claims of an unsafe workplace and bullying behaviour. Several former staffers were dismayed by what they regarded as Bandt's lack of action. Parliament's Workplace Support Service undertook two 'cultural diagnostics' of Cox's office and examined some of the complaints made to it, but was not empowered to investigate. Cox has apologised for any distress caused by the bullying allegations, but argued there was significant missing context that helped explain the staff exodus, including a change in portfolios when Thorpe quit. Loading Albanese defended her this week. 'We examined everything that had been considered in the past. Those issues were dealt with appropriately,' he said. But his claim is contested: a Greens WA inquiry by Perth firm Modern Legal had only just begun when Cox's departure triggered its end. The allegations add another reason for Cox's defection to Labor: they meant she was set to lose her first-placed spot on the Greens' WA Senate ticket and therefore her place in parliament at the next election. Cox is now likely to stand in Labor's third spot on the WA ticket, previously held by now-independent senator Fatima Payman, which makes her re-election difficult, but not impossible. Where it leaves the Greens Many Greens have this week framed Cox's defection in that context: an opportunistic move designed to protect her own career. Still, like Payman leaving Labor prompted questions about the party's commitment to diversity, given the government lost its youngest senator and the first to wear a hijab, Cox's departure is uncomfortable for the Greens. The progressive minor party runs on a strong platform of First Nations justice. Now it has no Indigenous representation in either federal or state parliaments. Both Labor and the Coalition have Indigenous MPs in the Indigenous affairs portfolio. The Greens' spokeswoman is now party leader Waters. Greens figures played down the repercussions of Cox's exit, which follows Thorpe's. 'I think there's two very different reasons why those strong First Nations women made the decisions that they made, and it was definitely their call,' Waters said this week. Thorpe said it was unfortunate the Greens had no Indigenous representation, but agreed she and Cox had left for different reasons. 'It is disappointing to see Senator Cox go to the Labor Party to become a backbencher that obviously will not have a voice and no say in policy development,' she said on the ABC. But Cox thought differently, according sources close to her, who said she was concerned about the Greens' hardline stance on Gaza and even uncomfortable with its attitude towards Anzac Day. Cox is also a strong supporter of Makarrata, or treaty-making with Indigenous people, and believed she could advance that cause in government. Loading 'I am in public life to make real change and deliver lasting and tangible outcomes for Australians,' Cox said on Monday. 'I've worked hard to make Australia fairer and much more reconciled. But recently I've lost some confidence in the capacity for the Greens to assist me in being able to progress this.' Those comments reflect a continuing debate in the Greens as members tussle over its future. Some elements of the party seek a more constructive approach to parliament and stronger focus on the party's environmental mission. Others want it to maintain its activist roots and radical politics, even if it means forfeiting representation in parliament. A Greens source who has been involved with the party for 20 years said it was a perennial debate. 'It's not an issue that's specific to the Greens. You've got people at the harder activist fringe, you've got people who are more moderate, and as a party you've got to be able to accommodate all of those things. Both those approaches have their place,' he said.

‘Progressive patriot' PM faces his call to arms
‘Progressive patriot' PM faces his call to arms

The Age

time31 minutes ago

  • The Age

‘Progressive patriot' PM faces his call to arms

'In today's Australia, the new default should be that patriotism is a love of country that is democratic and egalitarian. It is something that includes those of different races and backgrounds,' he wrote in this masthead a couple of weeks ago. 'With his political authority unquestioned, Albanese has an opportunity to craft a nation-building agenda. The significance is more than just national. At the moment, parties of the centre-left are struggling to find compelling alternatives to Trumpist populism.' Albanese's defiance of America doesn't come out of nowhere. It rings a Labor bell. It resonates with the decision by Labor's celebrated wartime leader, John Curtin, to defy Australia's great and powerful friend of his time, Britain. 'I'm conscious about the leadership of John Curtin, choosing to stand up to Winston Churchill and say, 'no, I'm bringing the Australian troops home to defend our own continent, we're not going to just let it go',' Albanese said last year as he prepared to walk the Kokoda Track, where Australia and Papua New Guinea halted Imperial Japan's southward march of conquest in World War II. Defiance of allies is one thing. Defeat of the enemy is another. In a moment of truth-telling, the Chief of the Defence Force, Admiral David Johnston, this week said that Australia now had to plan to wage war from its own continental territory rather than preparing for war in far-off locations. 'We are having to reconsider Australia as a homeland from which we will conduct combat operations,' Johnston told a conference held by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. 'That is a very different way – almost since the Second World War – of how we think of national resilience and preparedness. We may need to operate and conduct combat operations from this country.' He didn't spell it out, but he's evidently contemplating the possibility that China will cut off Australia's seaborne supply routes, either because it's waging war in the Taiwan Strait or South China Sea, or because it's seeking to coerce Australia. 'The chief of the defence force is speaking truth,' says Professor Peter Dean, co-author of the government's Defence Strategic Review, now at the US Studies Centre at Sydney University. 'There's a line in the Defence Strategic Review that most people overlook – it talks about 'the defence of Australia against potential threats arising from major power competition, including the prospect of conflict'. And there's only one major power posing a threat in our region.' History accelerates week by week. Trump, chaos factory, wantonly discards America's unique sources of power and abuses its allies. China's Xi Jinping and Russia's Vladimir Putin are emboldened, seeing America's credibility crumbling. Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer, alarmed at the rising risks, this week declared a campaign to make Britain 'battle ready' to 'face down Russian aggression'. Loading He plans to enlarge the army, commission up to a dozen new nuclear-powered submarines jointly built with Australia under AUKUS, build six new munitions factories, manufacture 7000 long-range weapons, renew the nuclear warheads on Britain's strategic missiles, and put new emphasis on drones and cyberwar as war evolves daily on the battlefields of Ukraine. Starmer intends to increase defence outlays to the equivalent of 2.5 per cent of GDP with an eventual target of 3 per cent. Ukraine's impressive drone strike on Russia's bombers this week knocked out a third of Moscow's force, with AI guiding the drones to their targets. The Australian retired major-general Mick Ryan observes that Ukraine and Russia are upgrading and adapting drone warfare weekly. 'The Australian government has worked hard to ignore these hard-earned lessons and these cheaper military solutions,' he wrote scathingly in this masthead this week, 'while building a dense bureaucracy in Canberra that innovative drone-makers in Australia cannot penetrate in any reasonable amount of time.' At the same time, the FBI charged two Chinese researchers with attempting to smuggle a toxic fungus into the US. It's banned because it can cause mass destruction of crops. A potential bioweapon, in other words. What would John Curtin do today? 'Curtin, like Albanese, was from the left of the Labor Party,' says Dean. 'He was not an internationalist, he was very domestic focused.' Indeed, he was an avowed Marxist who believed that capitalism was in its late phase and bound to fail, leading to world peace. He abandoned his idealism when confronted by the reality of World War II. 'He realised that a leader has to lead for his times. He had to bend his interests from the domestic sphere to the international.' Curtin famously wrote that, after Britain's 'impregnable fortress' of Singapore fell to the Japanese in just a few days, Australia looked to America as its great and powerful friend. 'Albanese can't repeat that,' observes Dean, 'because there's no one else to turn to.' 'A modern John Curtin,' says the head of the National Security College at ANU, Rory Medcalf, 'would take account of the strategic risk facing the unique multicultural democratic experiment of Australia. He'd unite the community and bring the trade unions, industry, the states and territories together in a national effort. 'It's certainly not about beating the drums of war, but we do need a much more open conversation about national preparedness. Australia might be directly involved in war, but, even if we aren't, we will be affected indirectly [by war to our north] because of risks to our fuel security, risks to the normal functioning of the economy and risks to the cohesion of our society. Is there scope to use national cabinet' – which includes the states and territories – 'to talk about these issues?' And the defence budget? Albanese is dismissive of calls to peg spending by set percentages of GDP. Apply that to any other area of the budget and you'd be laughed out of the room. The prime minister prefers to decide on capability that's needed, then to fund it accordingly. How big a gun do you need, then find money to pay for it. Medcalf endorses this approach of deciding capability before funding, but says that risk should come before both. 'And if you look at risk first, it will push spending well above 2 per cent of GDP and much closer to 3 or 4 per cent.' Regardless of what the Americans say or do. Do they turn out to be dependable but demanding? Or uselessly absent? 'Australia will need to spend more either way,' says Medcalf. 'The only future where we don't need to increase our security investment is one where we accept greatly reduced sovereignty in a China-dominated region.' Dean applauds the government's success in building stronger defence relationships with countries ranging from Japan to Indonesia and PNG, and Foreign Minister Penny Wong's diplomacy in the Pacific islands and South-East Asia. In the next couple of weeks, Albanese will travel to Canada for a G7 summit, and to hold his first in-person meeting with Trump either there or on a trip to chaos central, Washington. Dean describes it as 'is a real moment for him to set out his vision for international affairs, should he choose to use it'.

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