Birth control increases stroke risk – here's what women need to know
For millions of women, combined hormonal contraceptives are a part of their daily life – providing a convenient and effective option for preventing pregnancy and managing their menstrual cycle.
But new findings are sounding the alarm on a serious, and often overlooked, risk: stroke.
According to recent findings presented at the European Stroke Organisation Conference, combined oral hormonal contraceptives (which contains both oestrogen and progestogen) may significantly increase the chance of women experiencing a cryptogenic stroke. This is a sudden and serious type of stroke that occurs with no obvious cause.
Surprisingly, in younger adults – particularly women – cryptogenic strokes make up approximately 40% of all strokes. This suggests there may be sex-specific factors which contribute to this risk – such as hormonal contraception use. These recently-presented findings lend themselves to this theory.
At this year's conference, researchers presented findings from the Secreto study. This is an international investigation that has been conducted into the causes of unexplained strokes in young people aged 18 to 49. The study enrolled 608 patients with cryptogenic ischaemic stroke from 13 different European countries.
One of their most striking discoveries was that women who used combined oral contraceptives were three times more likely to experience a cryptogenic stroke compared to non-users. These results stood, even after researchers adjusted for other factors which may have contributed to stroke risk (such as obesity and history of migraines).
It's well-documented that hormonal contraceptives, which contain both oestrogen and progestin, come with a small, increased risk of experiencing serious health events, including stroke – particularly ischaemic stroke, which occurs when blood flow to part of the brain is blocked.
But a study published earlier this year, which tracked over two million women, found that combined hormonal contraceptives – including the pill, intrauterine devices (IUD), patches and vaginal rings, which all contain both synthetic oestrogen and progestogen – were linked to higher risks of both stroke and heart attack. The vaginal ring increased stroke risk by 2.4 times and 3.8 times for heart attack. The contraceptive patch was found to increase stroke risk by nearly 3.5 times.
Interestingly, they also looked at a progestin-only contraceptive (the IUD) and found there was no increased risk for either heart attacks or strokes.
Both of these recent findings suggest oestrogen may be the main driver of stroke risk. While absolute risk is still low – meaning fewer than 40 in every 100,000 women using a combined hormonal contraceptive will experience a stroke – the population-level impact is significant considering the number of women worldwide that use a combined hormonal contraceptive.
Combined hormonal contraceptives contain synthetic versions of the sex hormones oestrogen (usually ethinylestradiol) and a progestin (the synthetic version of progestogen).
Natural oestrogen in the body plays a role in promoting blood clotting, which is important for helping wounds heal and prevents excessive bleeding.
But the synthetic oestrogen in contraceptives is more potent and delivered in higher, steady doses. It stimulates the liver to produce extra clotting proteins and reduces natural anticoagulants — tipping the balance toward easier clot formation. This effect, while helpful in stopping bleeding, can raise the risk of abnormal blood clots that can lead to conditions such as stroke. This risk may be even greater for people who smoke, experience migraines or have a genetic tendency to clot.
If a clot forms in an artery that supplies the brain or breaks off and travels through the bloodstream to the brain, this can block blood flow – causing what's known as an ischaemic stroke. This is the most common type of stroke. Clots can also form in deep veins (such as those in the legs or around your organs).
In addition to clotting, oestrogen may also slightly raise blood pressure and affect how blood vessels behave over time, which can further increase stroke risk.
The effects of oestrogen on clotting may partly explain why the recent conference findings showed a link between combined contraceptive use and cryptogenic stroke risk. Cryptogenic stroke has no obvious cause, but is increasingly being linked to subtle, hidden risk factors – such as hormone-driven clotting.
These numbers can sound alarming at first, but it's important to keep them in perspective. The absolute risk – meaning the actual number of people affected – is still low.
For instance, researchers estimate that there may be one additional stroke per year for every 4,700 women using the combined pill.
That sounds rare, and for most users, it is. But when you consider that millions of women use these contraceptives globally, even a small increase in risk can translate into a significant number of strokes at the population level. Which is relative to what is seen with the high number of cryptogenic strokes in young women.
Despite the risks associated with combined hormonal contraceptives, many women continue to use them – either because they aren't fully informed of the risks or because the alternatives are either less effective, less accessible or come with their own burdens.
Part of the reason this trade-off has become so normalised is the persistent under-funding and under-prioritisation of women's health research. Historically, medical research has focused disproportionately on men – with women either excluded from studies or treated as an afterthought.
This has led to a limited understanding of how hormonal contraceptives affect female physiology beyond fertility control. As a result, the side-effects remain poorly understood, under-communicated and under-addressed.
Women have a right to make informed decisions about their health and body. This starts with having access to accurate information about the real risks and benefits of every contraceptive option. It means understanding, for example, that while combined hormonal contraceptives do carry a small risk of blood clots and stroke, pregnancy and the weeks following childbirth come with an even higher risk of those same complications. This context is vital for making truly informed choices.
No method of contraception is perfect. But when women are given the full picture, they can choose the method that best suits them. We also need more research that reflects the diversity and complexity of women's bodies – not just to improve safety, but to expand options and empower decisions.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Laura Elin Pigott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Chicago Tribune
an hour ago
- Chicago Tribune
US defense secretary warns Indo-Pacific allies of ‘imminent' threat from China
SINGAPORE — U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth reassured allies in the Indo-Pacific on Saturday that they will not be left alone to face increasing military and economic pressure from China, while insisting that they also contribute more to their own defense. He said Washington will bolster its defenses overseas to counter what the Pentagon sees as rapidly developing threats by Beijing, particularly in its aggressive stance toward Taiwan. China has conducted numerous exercises to test what a blockade would look like of the self-governing island, which Beijing claims as its own and the U.S. has pledged to defend. China's army 'is rehearsing for the real deal,' Hegseth said in a keynote speech at a security conference in Singapore. 'We are not going to sugarcoat it — the threat China poses is real. And it could be imminent.' The head of China's delegation accused Hegseth of making 'groundless accusations.' 'Some of the claims are completely fabricated, some distort facts and some are cases of a thief crying 'stop thief,' said Rear Adm. Hu Gangfeng, vice president of China's National Defense University. He did not offer specific objections. 'These actions are nothing more than attempts to provoke trouble, incite division and stir up confrontation to destabilize the Asia-Pacific region,' he said. China has a stated goal of ensuring its military is capable of taking Taiwan by force if necessary by 2027, a deadline that is seen by experts as more of an aspirational goal than a hard war deadline. China also has built sophisticated, artificial islands in the South China Sea to support new military outposts and developed highly advanced hypersonic and space capabilities, which are driving the United States to create its own space-based 'Golden Dome' missile defenses. Speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue, a global security conference hosted by the International Institute for Security Studies, Hegseth said China is no longer just building up its military forces to take Taiwan, it's 'actively training for it, every day.' Hegseth also called out China for its ambitions in Latin America, particularly its efforts to increase its influence over the Panama Canal. He urged Indo-Pacific countries to increase defense spending to levels similar to the 5% of their gross domestic product European nations are now pressed to contribute. 'We must all do our part,' Hegseth said. Following the speech, the European Union's top diplomat Kaja Kallas pushed back at Hegseth's comment that European countries should focus their defense efforts in their own region and leave the Indo-Pacific more to the U.S. She said that with North Korean troops fighting for Russia and China supporting Moscow, European and Asian security were 'very much interlinked.' Hegseth also repeated a pledge made by previous administrations to bolster the U.S. military in the Indo-Pacific to provide a more robust deterrent. While both the Obama and Biden administrations had also committed to pivoting to the Pacific and established new military agreements throughout the region, a full shift has never been realized. Instead, U.S. military resources from the Indo-Pacific have been regularly pulled to support military needs in the Middle East and Europe, especially since the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. In the first few months of President Donald Trump's second term, that's also been the case. In the last few months, the Trump administration has taken a Patriot missile defense battalion out of the Indo-Pacific in order to send it to the Middle East, a massive logistical operation that required 73 military cargo aircraft flights, and sent Coast Guard ships back to the U.S. to help defend the U.S.-Mexico border. Hegseth was asked why the U.S. pulled those resources if the Indo-Pacific is the priority theater. He did not directly answer but said the shift of resources was necessary to defend against Houthi missile attacks launched from Yemen, and to bolster protections against illegal immigration into the U.S. At the same time, he stressed the need for American allies and partners to step up their own defense spending and preparations, saying the U.S. was not interested in going it alone. 'Ultimately a strong, resolute and capable network of allies and partners is our key strategic advantage,' he said. 'China envies what we have together, and it sees what we can collectively bring to bear on defense, but it's up to all of us to ensure that we live up to that potential by investing.' The Indo-Pacific nations caught in between have tried to balance relations with both the U.S. and China over the years. Beijing is the primary trading partner for many, but is also feared as a regional bully, in part due to its increasingly aggressive claims on natural resources such as critical fisheries. Hegseth cautioned that playing both sides, seeking U.S. military support and Chinese economic support, carries risk. 'Economic dependence on China only deepens their malign influence and complicates our defense decision space during times of tension,' Hegseth said. Asked how he would reconcile that statement with Trump's threat of steep tariffs on most in the region, Hegseth he was 'in the business of tanks, not trade.' But Illinois Democrat Sen. Tammy Duckworth, who is part of a congressional delegation attending Shangri-La, objected to pressuring regional allies. 'The United States is not asking people to choose between us and the PRC,' Duckworth said, in reference to the People's Republic of China. Australia's Defense Minister Richard Marles welcomed Hegseth's assurance that the Indo-Pacific was an American strategic priority and agreed that Australia and other nations needed to do their part. 'Reality is that there is no effective balance of power in this region absent the United States, but we cannot leave it to the United States alone,' he said. Still, Marles suggested the Trump administration's aggressive trade policies were counterproductive. 'The shock and disruption from the high tariffs has been costly and destabilizing.' China usually sends its own defense minister to the conference, but Dong Jun did not attend this year in a snub to the U.S. over Trump's erratic tariffs war. His absence was something the U.S. delegation said it intended to capitalize on. 'We are here this morning. And somebody else isn't,' Hegseth said. Asked by a member of the Chinese delegation how committed the U.S. would remain if Asian alliances like ASEAN had differences with Washington, Hegseth said the U.S. would not be constrained by 'the confines of how previous administrations looked at this region.' 'We're opening our arms to countries across the spectrum — traditional allies, non-traditional allies,' he said. He said U.S. support would not require local governments to align with the West on cultural or climate issues.


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
In Poland, presidential hopefuls battle for young voters who don't like them
In a first round of voting on May 18, voters aged 18 to 29 overwhelmingly supported antiestablishment candidates who failed to make it to the runoff. They mostly shunned the candidates competing Sunday, who represent Poland's two dominant political parties -- Civic Platform, led by Tusk; and Law and Justice, the former governing party led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski. The runoff pits Rafal Trzaskowski, the liberal mayor of Warsaw who is backed by Tusk's party, against Karol Nawrocki, a nationalist historian and former boxer supported by Law and Justice. Advertisement Coming only two weeks after a presidential election in Romania in which voters chose a centrist over a hard-right admirer of President Trump, Poland's vote is being closely watched in Europe and the United States as a test of right-wing populism's staying power. 'Don't let the globalists and unelected bureaucrats steal your elections, as they did in Romania,' George Simion, the defeated hard-right candidate in Romania, told a gathering in Poland this past week of the American Conservative Political Action Conference. Kristi Noem, Trump's homeland security secretary who also spoke at the event, endorsed the Law and Justice candidate. Advertisement What American and European fans of Trump see as a climactic battle between left and right is seen by many young Polish voters as an infuriating rerun of a decades-old struggle. 'You only get angry looking at system politicians,' said Jan Stachura, 20, a student in Tychy, a town in Poland's former industrial heartland in the southwestern region of Silesia. He said he had voted for neither of Sunday's contenders in the first round on May 18 and did not know whether he would even bother to vote in the runoff. His brother, Wojciech, 24, an IT manager, said he did not vote in the first round and probably would not on Sunday. Given the grip of the two main parties, he said, 'I don't believe my vote can change anything.' Tusk, 68, and Kaczynski, 75, first entered politics more than 40 years ago when Poland was still a Soviet satellite. After Poland joined the European Union in 2004 -- 15 years after communism collapsed -- they emerged as leaders of two hostile camps: one committed to embracing the values and rules of the European Union, the other infused with nationalism and fealty to the Roman Catholic Church. They have rotated in and out of power since, leaving Polish politics in a repetitive loop. Kaczynski accuses Tusk of being a 'German agent' more interested in serving Berlin and Brussels than ordinary Poles. Tusk has attacked his rival as a populist reactionary intent on dismantling democracy and withdrawing Poland from the European Union. Advertisement Trzaskowski won the first round barely ahead of Nawrocki. Whether Trzaskowski can prevail on Sunday depends heavily on how young voters who backed the far right and leftists in the first round cast their ballots. A widespread plague-on-both-your-houses feeling among younger Poles has brought unusual volatility to politics, said Tomasz Slupik, a political-science professor at the University of Silesia. Only 22 percent of voters under 30, according to exit poll data, cast their ballots in the first round for the two candidates competing on Sunday. Nearly 70 percent voted instead for far-right candidates and fringe leftists, with more than half of them supporting Slawomir Mentzen, a libertarian who is hostile to Ukrainian refugees, taxes, and the European Union. 'This might be the beginning of the end of Poland's party duopoly,' Slupik said. Young voters' disillusionment, he added, was partly the rebellious spirit of youth amplified by social media. But, he added, it also reflected a deeper erosion of trust across generations, despite Poland's booming economy and its emergence as a diplomatic and military player in Europe. The Polish presidency has no say in setting policy, but its veto power over legislation passed by the government allowed the departing president, Andrzej Duda, an ally of Kaczynski, to thwart much of Tusk's agenda. Victory for Nawrocki on Sunday would probably mean more trench warfare between the rival camps, hobbling Tusk's ability to govern and clouding his party's prospects in the next parliamentary election in 2027. Speaking at a rally for Trzaskowski in Warsaw last weekend, Tusk warned this would bring disaster, describing Nawrocki as a 'gangster' unfit for the presidency. 'Poland, wake up! This cannot be!' he said. Advertisement Anna Liebner, 29, a Tychy resident who manages fiber optic networks, said she voted in the first round for Adrian Zandberg, a leftist who came in sixth in the first round. Liebner liked some of his policy ideas, including higher taxes on the wealthy. Kamil Poczta, 30, an IT worker, said he, too, had voted for Zandberg in the hope of breaking the Civic Platform-Law and Justice cycle. Nonetheless, Poczta and Liebner both said they would vote for Trzaskowski. More uncertain is which way Mentzen's voters, mostly young men, will jump, though a recent opinion poll indicated that around 65 percent of them would vote for Nawrocki. If that turns out to be accurate, Nawrocki could well win. This article originally appeared in
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Hegseth challenges China in its own backyard
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on Saturday in Singapore attempted to woo Asian defense leaders to Washington's side as he warned of the 'imminent' threat China poses to the Indo-Pacific region. Hegseth, who took the stage at the Shangri-La Dialogue, sought to seize on a gap China created in declining to send its own defense minister to the major annual gathering of diplomats, military officials and business leaders — an opportunity for the U.S. to make inroads with Asian countries. 'Here in the Indo-Pacific, our futures are bound together,' Hegseth told attendees. 'We share your vision of peace and stability, of prosperity and security. And we are here to stay.' 'And as a matter of fact, we are here this morning, somebody else isn't,' he added. Hegseth's trip to Singapore — his second visit to the region as Pentagon chief — takes place amid the backdrop of heightened rhetoric between Washington and Beijing, which President Trump accused Friday of violating a temporary trade deal. European and Indo-Pacific countries have found themselves at a crossroads as of late, increasingly pulled between the competing interests of the U.S. and China as both struggle for dominance. There's also uncertainty in the region over the U.S.'s commitment to the defense of Taiwan, which China has threatened to overtake, a potential reality Hegseth played into. 'There's no reason to sugarcoat it. The threat China poses is real, and it could be imminent,' he said, adding that any move on Taipei by Beijing 'would result in devastating consequences for the Indo-Pacific and the world.' In an attempt to sway Indo-Pacific nations, Hegseth promised continued American partnership and support to those wary of the Trump administration's commitment to the region. But the pledges came with a caveat repeated in Europe, Africa and elsewhere in the world: a call for an increase in defense spending. 'We ask, and indeed we insist, that our allies and partners do their part on defense,' he said. 'Sometimes that means having uncomfortable and tough conversations.' The Shangri-La Dialogue, put on by the International Institute for Strategic Studies, traditionally gives U.S. defense leaders a soapbox to lay out America's strategy in the Indo-Pacific, with an audience of senior officials from across the globe. China, instead of sending its defense minister, sent only an academic delegation to the gathering. Hegseth took advantage of this absence and delivered the Trump administration's most concrete stance on U.S. security policy in the region since the president took office in January, pledging American support for allies while painting China as the common enemy. 'We do not seek conflict with communist China. … But we will not be pushed out of this critical region, and we will not let our allies and partners be subordinated and intimidated,' Hegseth said. 'It has to be clear to all that Beijing is credibly preparing to potentially use military force to alter the balance of power in the Indo Pacific,' he continued. While China has not sought war with any nation, it has flexed its military and economic might in the seas around East and South East Asia, attempting to dominate vital shipping lanes via its powerful navy and man-made islands laden with military equipment. Beijing has also built up its nuclear and conventional arsenals, amassing vessels for a navy that now outstrips the U.S. Navy in number of ships. And an ever looming presence is China's firm eye on Taiwan, which it views as its own territory and has vowed to 'reunify' with the island, using force if necessary. To that end, Beijing has increased war games around Taiwan and stepped up political pressure. The U.S. has made clear, however, that it will not be pushed from the region, with tens of thousands of troops based in Japan and South Korea, and several U.S. owned or maintained military bases in Australia, the Philippines and Papua New Guinea. Hegseth affirmed the U.S. alliance in the region when he visited the Philippines and Japan in March. The Pentagon also announced the development of a new defense strategy in May centered on 'deterring' China in the region and 'increasing burden-sharing' with international partners. But in Saturday's speech Hegseth expanded on Washington's plan, which includes improving U.S. forward force posture, rebuilding defense industrial bases, and helping allies and partners strengthen their defense capabilities. The pledges came, however, with an all-too-expected push for countries to ramp up their own defense spending, something the U.S. has already pushed its European allies to do. 'It doesn't make sense for countries in Europe to [spend more] while key allies in Asia spend less on defense in the face of an even more formidable threat — I've mentioned North Korea,' Hegseth said. While he didn't mention any specific spending goal, it is speculated that Hegseth will push Asian nations to increase defense spending to 5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP)— the new spending goal for NATO members in Europe. Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby hinted as much when he posted to the social media platform X on Wednesday that 5 percent 'is the new standard for our allies around the world, especially Asia.' Asian countries spent an average of 1.5 percent of GDP on defense in 2024 — a figure that has stayed constant over the last decade — but spending on weapons is spiking amid a darkening security outlook, according to a study released Wednesday by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. To nudge things along, Hegseth suggested on Saturday that European allies focus on security on their own continent, freeing up the U.S. to zero in on Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific. 'We would much prefer that the overwhelming balance of European investment be on that continent, so that as we partner there, which we will continue to do, we're able to use our comparative advantage as an Indo-Pacific nation to support our partners here,' he said during a Q&A portion after his speech. Hegseth's comments mark a turning point in his usual messaging, which has heavily centered around domestic issues such as protecting the U.S. southern border, restoring the 'warrior ethos,' and countering so-called 'woke' initiatives, including diversity, equity and inclusion programs, in the military. He still mentioned those issues, but played to a more international audience on Saturday. 'We are not here to pressure other countries to embrace or adopt our politics or ideology. We are not here to preach to you about climate change or cultural issues,' Hegseth said. 'We respect you, your traditions and your militaries. And we want to work with you where our shared interests align.' It's unclear how Hegseth's message was met by allies in the region, but China was certainly rankled, calling his comments 'steeped in provocations and instigation.' 'Mr. Hegseth repeatedly smeared and attacked China and relentlessly played up the so-called 'China threat,'' the Chinese embassy in Singapore wrote on its Facebook page. 'As a matter of fact, the U.S. itself is the biggest 'troublemaker' for regional peace and stability.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.