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Loading... Searching for Devils at CECOT World El Salvador CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm. CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm. Philip Holsinger Story by Philip Holsinger CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm. Philip Holsinger To grasp why El Salvador built the Terrorism Confinement Center—the prison known as CECOT—you need to know about the killings that plagued the country before it existed. For more than a year, I have walked crime scenes, interviewed victims, and heard President Nayib Bukele himself describe the vicious murders perpetrated by the nation's gangs. In May, local investigators led me to one of the killing fields, and into a world of macabre rituals. At Mount St. Bartolo, an old farmer showed me a 'killing tree,' its trunk scarred by machetes. 'Farmers don't strike trees,' explained one of my guides, a man named Carlos. 'That's where a torso hung.' Advertisement Advertisement The ancient Amate tree leaned over a canyon like a broken metronome. In its limbs were rusty spikes where gangs once pinned human bodies in the shape of an inverted cross. As Carlos talked, I had to concentrate on the nails, counting them one by one, to keep myself from vomiting. Those nails follow me every time I enter CECOT. Built specifically to house the gang members that terrorized this country, the prison is spartan as a space station, grim as a gulag. Bukele has said no prisoner will leave the place alive, and that they will lead lives devoid of comfort. On June 10, 2024, more than 2,000 inmates, primarily convicted gang members, were transferred from Izalco prison to CECOT. Prior to the transfer, inmates were positioned on the ground in interlocking formations under heavy guard while awaiting their buses. Philip Holsinger A guard handcuffs an inmate through the bars of Module 7 at CECOT before escorting him to meet a visiting U.S. delegation. This cell block primarily houses Salvadoran nationals accused of gang affiliations. Philip Holsinger Inmates in Cell Block 7 stand silently at attention or sit on steel racks, adhering to the prison's strict behavioral protocols. Philip Holsinger Guards in riot gear stand on the road between Modules 7 and 8 during the U.S. congressional delegation's visit to CECOT on May 9. Philip Holsinger Module 8 is different. It holds the 238 Venezuelan men the United States deported on March 15 under an emergency order that branded them Tren de Aragua gangsters. Trump Administration officials insisted all were hardened criminals, which subsequent reporting has revealed to be untrue. I have visited Module 8 three times. Each time I braced for the eerie, enforced silence that envelops CECOT. But this unit is different. The Venezuelans chant 'Liberty!' and 'Venezuela!' They proclaim their innocence, so loudly you can hear them from outside. They climbed the bars and waved white shirts like flags of surrender. Some pleaded for phones to call home. A few screamed curses. No guard approached to stop them. But the guards did not allow visitors to approach them either. U.S. Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) walks past Venezuelan detainees during a May 9 tour of CECOT. Confined to Module 8, these detainees—many deported from the U.S. under the Alien Enemies Act—expressed themselves openly, a stark contrast to the enforced silence in other blocks. Philip Holsinger Module 8 is unsettling not because it is cruel but because it is almost merciful in comparison to the rest of CECOT, and to the larger prison system of El Salvador. The detainees here have sleep pads, sheets, and pillows. They eat from an enhanced menu which sometimes includes hamburgers. They have some access to writing instruments; I saw a scrap of white sheet with a cross drawn on it. The rest of El Salvador's prisoners live in a world of steel and silence. I have asked Salvadoran officials why they make exceptions for the foreigners. No one has offered an answer. Maybe it's because they know these inmates will one day be let out. Maybe it's because they believe these are not the same demons. Read More: What the Venezuelans Deported to El Salvador Experienced. During a tour of Module 8 on May 9, I searched the faces for Andry, the 'barber' whose image ignited outrage on social media in the wake of my previous reporting for TIME. I thought about shouting his name, but we were forbidden to speak with the Venezuelan inmates. Their uniform crew cuts made it difficult to differentiate faces. Their fearful eyes left me afraid. I departed with only the echo of anonymous men, arms reaching through bars, begging for someone to take their number, to tell someone they were there, believing someone might come. Venezuelan detainees in Module 8 gesture and shout from behind bars during the congressional delegation's tour. Philip Holsinger I review my photographs and wince to think about what they mean. In every frame I see questions: Who are the devils today, and who gets to decide? El Salvador answered by pouring 236,000 square meters of concrete and steel onto the side of a volcano, to build a warehouse for the men they saw as devils. The U.S. answered by chartering three planes, exorcising their perceived foreign demons. On one side of CECOT, there is austere silence. On the other side, chaotic pleas. I think of the old rusting nails on a tree that once held human flesh. The nails tell a story. But I'm not sure it's the story of Module 8. Philip Holsinger Must-Reads from TIME Why Waymo's Self-Driving Cars Became a Target of Protesters in Los Angeles What to Know About RFK Jr. Removing All Experts From CDC Vaccine Advisory Committee Why Trump Sending the National Guard to L.A. Is Different From Its Deployment There in 1992 Appendix Cancer Has Quadrupled in Millennials Protests Spread Beyond Los Angeles as National Tensions Mount Over Immigration Raids Trump to California: Surrender

Loading... Searching for Devils at CECOT World El Salvador CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm. CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm. Philip Holsinger Story by Philip Holsinger CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm. Philip Holsinger To grasp why El Salvador built the Terrorism Confinement Center—the prison known as CECOT—you need to know about the killings that plagued the country before it existed. For more than a year, I have walked crime scenes, interviewed victims, and heard President Nayib Bukele himself describe the vicious murders perpetrated by the nation's gangs. In May, local investigators led me to one of the killing fields, and into a world of macabre rituals. At Mount St. Bartolo, an old farmer showed me a 'killing tree,' its trunk scarred by machetes. 'Farmers don't strike trees,' explained one of my guides, a man named Carlos. 'That's where a torso hung.' Advertisement Advertisement The ancient Amate tree leaned over a canyon like a broken metronome. In its limbs were rusty spikes where gangs once pinned human bodies in the shape of an inverted cross. As Carlos talked, I had to concentrate on the nails, counting them one by one, to keep myself from vomiting. Those nails follow me every time I enter CECOT. Built specifically to house the gang members that terrorized this country, the prison is spartan as a space station, grim as a gulag. Bukele has said no prisoner will leave the place alive, and that they will lead lives devoid of comfort. On June 10, 2024, more than 2,000 inmates, primarily convicted gang members, were transferred from Izalco prison to CECOT. Prior to the transfer, inmates were positioned on the ground in interlocking formations under heavy guard while awaiting their buses. Philip Holsinger A guard handcuffs an inmate through the bars of Module 7 at CECOT before escorting him to meet a visiting U.S. delegation. This cell block primarily houses Salvadoran nationals accused of gang affiliations. Philip Holsinger Inmates in Cell Block 7 stand silently at attention or sit on steel racks, adhering to the prison's strict behavioral protocols. Philip Holsinger Guards in riot gear stand on the road between Modules 7 and 8 during the U.S. congressional delegation's visit to CECOT on May 9. Philip Holsinger Module 8 is different. It holds the 238 Venezuelan men the United States deported on March 15 under an emergency order that branded them Tren de Aragua gangsters. Trump Administration officials insisted all were hardened criminals, which subsequent reporting has revealed to be untrue. I have visited Module 8 three times. Each time I braced for the eerie, enforced silence that envelops CECOT. But this unit is different. The Venezuelans chant 'Liberty!' and 'Venezuela!' They proclaim their innocence, so loudly you can hear them from outside. They climbed the bars and waved white shirts like flags of surrender. Some pleaded for phones to call home. A few screamed curses. No guard approached to stop them. But the guards did not allow visitors to approach them either. U.S. Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) walks past Venezuelan detainees during a May 9 tour of CECOT. Confined to Module 8, these detainees—many deported from the U.S. under the Alien Enemies Act—expressed themselves openly, a stark contrast to the enforced silence in other blocks. Philip Holsinger Module 8 is unsettling not because it is cruel but because it is almost merciful in comparison to the rest of CECOT, and to the larger prison system of El Salvador. The detainees here have sleep pads, sheets, and pillows. They eat from an enhanced menu which sometimes includes hamburgers. They have some access to writing instruments; I saw a scrap of white sheet with a cross drawn on it. The rest of El Salvador's prisoners live in a world of steel and silence. I have asked Salvadoran officials why they make exceptions for the foreigners. No one has offered an answer. Maybe it's because they know these inmates will one day be let out. Maybe it's because they believe these are not the same demons. Read More: What the Venezuelans Deported to El Salvador Experienced. During a tour of Module 8 on May 9, I searched the faces for Andry, the 'barber' whose image ignited outrage on social media in the wake of my previous reporting for TIME. I thought about shouting his name, but we were forbidden to speak with the Venezuelan inmates. Their uniform crew cuts made it difficult to differentiate faces. Their fearful eyes left me afraid. I departed with only the echo of anonymous men, arms reaching through bars, begging for someone to take their number, to tell someone they were there, believing someone might come. Venezuelan detainees in Module 8 gesture and shout from behind bars during the congressional delegation's tour. Philip Holsinger I review my photographs and wince to think about what they mean. In every frame I see questions: Who are the devils today, and who gets to decide? El Salvador answered by pouring 236,000 square meters of concrete and steel onto the side of a volcano, to build a warehouse for the men they saw as devils. The U.S. answered by chartering three planes, exorcising their perceived foreign demons. On one side of CECOT, there is austere silence. On the other side, chaotic pleas. I think of the old rusting nails on a tree that once held human flesh. The nails tell a story. But I'm not sure it's the story of Module 8. Philip Holsinger Must-Reads from TIME Why Waymo's Self-Driving Cars Became a Target of Protesters in Los Angeles What to Know About RFK Jr. Removing All Experts From CDC Vaccine Advisory Committee Why Trump Sending the National Guard to L.A. Is Different From Its Deployment There in 1992 Appendix Cancer Has Quadrupled in Millennials Protests Spread Beyond Los Angeles as National Tensions Mount Over Immigration Raids Trump to California: Surrender

Searching for Devils at CECOT
World
El Salvador
Story
by
Philip Holsinger
CECOT enforces strict silence and order among inmates. But Module 8, which houses Venezuelan deportees, deviates from this norm.Philip Holsinger
To grasp why El Salvador built the Terrorism Confinement Center—the prison known as CECOT—you need to know about the killings that plagued the country before it existed. For more than a year, I have walked crime scenes, interviewed victims, and heard President Nayib Bukele himself describe the vicious murders perpetrated by the nation's gangs. In May, local investigators led me to one of the killing fields, and into a world of macabre rituals. At Mount St. Bartolo, an old farmer showed me a 'killing tree,' its trunk scarred by machetes. 'Farmers don't strike trees,' explained one of my guides, a man named Carlos. 'That's where a torso hung.'
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The ancient Amate tree leaned over a canyon like a broken metronome. In its limbs were rusty spikes where gangs once pinned human bodies in the shape of an inverted cross. As Carlos talked, I had to concentrate on the nails, counting them one by one, to keep myself from vomiting.
Those nails follow me every time I enter CECOT. Built specifically to house the gang members that terrorized this country, the prison is spartan as a space station, grim as a gulag. Bukele has said no prisoner will leave the place alive, and that they will lead lives devoid of comfort.
Module 8 is different. It holds the 238 Venezuelan men the United States deported on March 15 under an emergency order that branded them Tren de Aragua gangsters. Trump Administration officials insisted all were hardened criminals, which subsequent reporting has revealed to be untrue.
I have visited Module 8 three times. Each time I braced for the eerie, enforced silence that envelops CECOT. But this unit is different. The Venezuelans chant 'Liberty!' and 'Venezuela!' They proclaim their innocence, so loudly you can hear them from outside. They climbed the bars and waved white shirts like flags of surrender. Some pleaded for phones to call home. A few screamed curses. No guard approached to stop them. But the guards did not allow visitors to approach them either.
Module 8 is unsettling not because it is cruel but because it is almost merciful in comparison to the rest of CECOT, and to the larger prison system of El Salvador. The detainees here have sleep pads, sheets, and pillows. They eat from an enhanced menu which sometimes includes hamburgers. They have some access to writing instruments; I saw a scrap of white sheet with a cross drawn on it. The rest of El Salvador's prisoners live in a world of steel and silence.
I have asked Salvadoran officials why they make exceptions for the foreigners. No one has offered an answer. Maybe it's because they know these inmates will one day be let out. Maybe it's because they believe these are not the same demons.
Read More: What the Venezuelans Deported to El Salvador Experienced.
During a tour of Module 8 on May 9, I searched the faces for Andry, the 'barber' whose image ignited outrage on social media in the wake of my previous reporting for TIME. I thought about shouting his name, but we were forbidden to speak with the Venezuelan inmates. Their uniform crew cuts made it difficult to differentiate faces. Their fearful eyes left me afraid. I departed with only the echo of anonymous men, arms reaching through bars, begging for someone to take their number, to tell someone they were there, believing someone might come.
I review my photographs and wince to think about what they mean. In every frame I see questions: Who are the devils today, and who gets to decide? El Salvador answered by pouring 236,000 square meters of concrete and steel onto the side of a volcano, to build a warehouse for the men they saw as devils. The U.S. answered by chartering three planes, exorcising their perceived foreign demons. On one side of CECOT, there is austere silence. On the other side, chaotic pleas. I think of the old rusting nails on a tree that once held human flesh.
The nails tell a story. But I'm not sure it's the story of Module 8.
Must-Reads from TIME
Why Waymo's Self-Driving Cars Became a Target of Protesters in Los Angeles
What to Know About RFK Jr. Removing All Experts From CDC Vaccine Advisory Committee
Why Trump Sending the National Guard to L.A. Is Different From Its Deployment There in 1992
Appendix Cancer Has Quadrupled in Millennials
Protests Spread Beyond Los Angeles as National Tensions Mount Over Immigration Raids
Trump to California: Surrender

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With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent
With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent

San Francisco Chronicle​

timean hour ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — Days before his arrest outside his daughter's house in the outskirts of San Salvador, constitutional lawyer Enrique Anaya called Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele a 'dictator' and a 'despot' on live TV. This week, lawyer Jaime Quintanilla stood outside a detention facility in El Salvador's capital with a box of food and clothes for his client, unsure if Anaya would ever be released. The Saturday arrest of Anaya, a fierce critic of Bukele, marks the latest move in what watchdogs describe as a wave of crackdown on dissent by the Central American leader. They say Bukele is emboldened by his alliance with U.S. President Donald Trump, who has not only praised him but avoided criticizing actions human rights defenders, international authorities and legal experts deem authoritarian. Authorities in El Salvador have targeted outspoken lawyers like Anaya, journalists investigating Bukele's alleged deals with gangs and human rights defenders calling for the end of a three-year state of emergency, which has suspended fundamental civil rights. Some say they have been forced to flee the country. 'They're trying to silence anyone who voices an opinion — professionals, ideologues, anyone who is critical — now they're jailed.' Quintanilla said. 'It's a vendetta.' 'I don't care if you call me a dictator' Observers see a worrisome escalation by the popular president, who enjoys extremely high approval ratings due to his crackdown on the country's gangs. By suspending fundamental rights, Bukele has severely weakened gangs but also locked up 87,000 people for alleged gang ties, often with little evidence or due process. A number of those detained were also critics. Bukele and his New Ideas party have taken control of all three branches of government, stacking the country's Supreme Court with loyalists. Last year, in a move considered unconstitutional, he ran for reelection, securing a resounding victory. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator," Bukele said earlier this month in a speech. "Better that than seeing Salvadorans killed on the streets.' In recent weeks, those who have long acted as a thorn in Bukele's side say looming threats have reached an inflection point. The crackdown comes as Bukele has garnered global attention for keeping some 200 Venezuelan deportees detained in a mega-prison built for gangs as part of an agreement with the Trump administration. 'Of course I'm scared' Anaya was detained by authorities on unproven accusations of money laundering. Prosecutors said he would be sent to 'relevant courts" in the coming days. Quintanilla, his lawyer, rejects the allegations, saying his arrest stems from years of vocally questioning Bukele. Quintanilla, a longtime colleague of Anaya, said he decided to represent his friend in part because many other lawyers in the country were now too afraid to show their faces. On Tuesday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights expressed 'deep concern' over Anaya's arrest. Anaya, 61, is a respected lawyer and commentator in El Salvador with a doctorate in constitutional law. He has criticized Bukele's crackdown on the gangs and Bukele stacking of El Salvador's high court. Last year, he was among those who unsuccessfully petitioned the country's top electoral authority to reject Bukele's re-election bid, saying it violated the constitution. Days before his arrest, Anaya railed on television against the detention of human rights lawyer Ruth López, who last week shouted, 'They're not going to silence me, I want a public trial,' as police escorted her shackled to court. 'Of course I'm scared,' Anaya told the broadcast anchor. 'I think that anyone here who dares to speak out, speaks in fear.' While some of Bukele's most vocal critics, like Anaya and López, have been publicly detained, other human rights defenders have quietly slipped out of the country, hoping to seek asylum elsewhere in the region. They declined to comment or be identified out of fear that they would be targeted even outside El Salvador. Fear and an ally in Trump Last month, a protest outside of Bukele's house was violently quashed by police and some of the protesters arrested. He also ordered the arrest of the heads of local bus companies for defying his order to offer free transport while a major highway was blocked. In late May, El Salvador's Congress passed a 'foreign agents' law, championed by the populist president. It resembles legislation implemented by governments in Nicaragua, Venezuela, Russia, Belarus and China to silence and criminalize dissent by exerting pressure on organizations that rely on overseas funding. Verónica Reyna, a human rights coordinator for the Salvadoran nonprofit Servicio Social Pasionista, said police cars now regularly wait outside her group's offices as a lingering threat. 'It's been little-by-little,' Reyna said. 'Since Trump came to power, we've seen (Bukele) feel like there's no government that's going to strongly criticize him or try to stop him.' Trump's influence extends beyond his vocal backing of Bukele, with his administration pushing legal boundaries to push his agenda, Reyna, other human rights defenders and journalists said. The U.S. Embassy in El Salvador, which once regularly denounced the government's actions, has remained silent throughout the arrests and lingering threats. It did not respond to a request for comment. In its final year, the Biden administration, too, dialed back its criticism of the Bukele government as El Salvador's government helped slow migration north in the lead up to the 2024 election. On Tuesday, Quintanilla visited Anaya in detention for the first time since his arrest while being watched by police officers. Despite the detention, neither Anaya nor Quintanilla have been officially informed of the charges. Quintanilla worries that authorities will use wide ranging powers granted to Bukele by the 'state of emergency' to keep him imprisoned indefinitely. Journalists stranded Óscar Martínez, editor-in-chief of news site El Faro, and four other journalists have left the country and are unable to return safely, as they face the prospect of arrest stemming from their reporting. At a time when many other reporters have fallen silent out of fear, Martínez's news site has investigated Bukele more rigorously than perhaps any other, exposing hidden corruption and human rights abuses under his crackdown on gangs. In May, El Faro published a three-part interview with a former gang leader who claimed he negotiated with Bukele's administration. Soon after, Martínez said the organization received news that authorities were preparing an arrest order for a half-dozen of their journalists. This has kept at least five El Faro journalists, including Martínez, stranded outside their country for over a month. On Saturday, when the reporters tried to return home on a flight, a diplomatic source and a government official informed them that police had been sent to the airport to wait for them and likely arrest them. The journalists later discovered that their names, along with other civil society leaders, appeared on a list of 'priority objectives" held by airport authorities. Martínez said Anaya's name was also on the list. Now in a nearby Central American nation, Martínez said he doesn't know when he will be able to board another flight home. And if he does, he doesn't know what will happen when he steps off. 'We fear that, if we return — because some of us surely will try — we'll be imprisoned,' he said. 'I am positive that if El Faro journalists are thrown in prison, we'll be tortured and, possibly, even killed." Janetsky reported from Mexico City. ____

With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent
With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — Days before his arrest outside his daughter's house in the outskirts of San Salvador, constitutional lawyer Enrique Anaya called Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele a 'dictator' and a 'despot' on live TV. This week, lawyer Jaime Quintanilla stood outside a detention facility in El Salvador's capital with a box of food and clothes for his client, unsure if Anaya would ever be released. The Saturday arrest of Anaya, a fierce critic of Bukele, marks the latest move in what watchdogs describe as a wave of crackdown on dissent by the Central American leader. They say Bukele is emboldened by his alliance with U.S. President Donald Trump, who has not only praised him but avoided criticizing actions human rights defenders, international authorities and legal experts deem authoritarian. Authorities in El Salvador have targeted outspoken lawyers like Anaya, journalists investigating Bukele's alleged deals with gangs and human rights defenders calling for the end of a three-year state of emergency, which has suspended fundamental civil rights. Some say they have been forced to flee the country. 'They're trying to silence anyone who voices an opinion — professionals, ideologues, anyone who is critical — now they're jailed.' Quintanilla said. 'It's a vendetta.' Bukele's office did not respond to a request for comment. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator' Observers see a worrisome escalation by the popular president, who enjoys extremely high approval ratings due to his crackdown on the country's gangs. By suspending fundamental rights, Bukele has severely weakened gangs but also locked up 87,000 people for alleged gang ties, often with little evidence or due process. A number of those detained were also critics. Bukele and his New Ideas party have taken control of all three branches of government, stacking the country's Supreme Court with loyalists. Last year, in a move considered unconstitutional, he ran for reelection, securing a resounding victory. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator," Bukele said earlier this month in a speech. "Better that than seeing Salvadorans killed on the streets.' In recent weeks, those who have long acted as a thorn in Bukele's side say looming threats have reached an inflection point. The crackdown comes as Bukele has garnered global attention for keeping some 200 Venezuelan deportees detained in a mega-prison built for gangs as part of an agreement with the Trump administration. 'Of course I'm scared' Anaya was detained by authorities on unproven accusations of money laundering. Prosecutors said he would be sent to 'relevant courts" in the coming days. Quintanilla, his lawyer, rejects the allegations, saying his arrest stems from years of vocally questioning Bukele. Quintanilla, a longtime colleague of Anaya, said he decided to represent his friend in part because many other lawyers in the country were now too afraid to show their faces. On Tuesday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights expressed 'deep concern' over Anaya's arrest. Anaya, 61, is a respected lawyer and commentator in El Salvador with a doctorate in constitutional law. He has criticized Bukele's crackdown on the gangs and Bukele stacking of El Salvador's high court. Last year, he was among those who unsuccessfully petitioned the country's top electoral authority to reject Bukele's re-election bid, saying it violated the constitution. Days before his arrest, Anaya railed on television against the detention of human rights lawyer Ruth López, who last week shouted, 'They're not going to silence me, I want a public trial,' as police escorted her shackled to court. 'Of course I'm scared,' Anaya told the broadcast anchor. 'I think that anyone here who dares to speak out, speaks in fear.' While some of Bukele's most vocal critics, like Anaya and López, have been publicly detained, other human rights defenders have quietly slipped out of the country, hoping to seek asylum elsewhere in the region. They declined to comment or be identified out of fear that they would be targeted even outside El Salvador. Fear and an ally in Trump Last month, a protest outside of Bukele's house was violently quashed by police and some of the protesters arrested. He also ordered the arrest of the heads of local bus companies for defying his order to offer free transport while a major highway was blocked. In late May, El Salvador's Congress passed a 'foreign agents' law, championed by the populist president. It resembles legislation implemented by governments in Nicaragua, Venezuela, Russia, Belarus and China to silence and criminalize dissent by exerting pressure on organizations that rely on overseas funding. Verónica Reyna, a human rights coordinator for the Salvadoran nonprofit Servicio Social Pasionista, said police cars now regularly wait outside her group's offices as a lingering threat. 'It's been little-by-little,' Reyna said. 'Since Trump came to power, we've seen (Bukele) feel like there's no government that's going to strongly criticize him or try to stop him.' Trump's influence extends beyond his vocal backing of Bukele, with his administration pushing legal boundaries to push his agenda, Reyna, other human rights defenders and journalists said. The U.S. Embassy in El Salvador, which once regularly denounced the government's actions, has remained silent throughout the arrests and lingering threats. It did not respond to a request for comment. In its final year, the Biden administration, too, dialed back its criticism of the Bukele government as El Salvador's government helped slow migration north in the lead up to the 2024 election. On Tuesday, Quintanilla visited Anaya in detention for the first time since his arrest while being watched by police officers. Despite the detention, neither Anaya nor Quintanilla have been officially informed of the charges. Quintanilla worries that authorities will use wide ranging powers granted to Bukele by the 'state of emergency' to keep him imprisoned indefinitely. Journalists stranded Óscar Martínez, editor-in-chief of news site El Faro, and four other journalists have left the country and are unable to return safely, as they face the prospect of arrest stemming from their reporting. At a time when many other reporters have fallen silent out of fear, Martínez's news site has investigated Bukele more rigorously than perhaps any other, exposing hidden corruption and human rights abuses under his crackdown on gangs. In May, El Faro published a three-part interview with a former gang leader who claimed he negotiated with Bukele's administration. Soon after, Martínez said the organization received news that authorities were preparing an arrest order for a half-dozen of their journalists. This has kept at least five El Faro journalists, including Martínez, stranded outside their country for over a month. On Saturday, when the reporters tried to return home on a flight, a diplomatic source and a government official informed them that police had been sent to the airport to wait for them and likely arrest them. The journalists later discovered that their names, along with other civil society leaders, appeared on a list of 'priority objectives" held by airport authorities. Martínez said Anaya's name was also on the list. Now in a nearby Central American nation, Martínez said he doesn't know when he will be able to board another flight home. And if he does, he doesn't know what will happen when he steps off. 'We fear that, if we return — because some of us surely will try — we'll be imprisoned,' he said. 'I am positive that if El Faro journalists are thrown in prison, we'll be tortured and, possibly, even killed." ____ Janetsky reported from Mexico City. ____ Follow AP's coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at

With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent
With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent

The Hill

time2 hours ago

  • The Hill

With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — Days before his arrest outside his daughter's house in the outskirts of San Salvador, constitutional lawyer Enrique Anaya called Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele a 'dictator' and a 'despot' on live TV. This week, lawyer Jaime Quintanilla stood outside a detention facility in El Salvador's capital with a box of food and clothes for his client, unsure if Anaya would ever be released. The Saturday arrest of Anaya, a fierce critic of Bukele, marks the latest move in what watchdogs describe as a wave of crackdown on dissent by the Central American leader. They say Bukele is emboldened by his alliance with U.S. President Donald Trump, who has not only praised him but avoided criticizing actions human rights defenders, international authorities and legal experts deem authoritarian. Authorities in El Salvador have targeted outspoken lawyers like Anaya, journalists investigating Bukele's alleged deals with gangs and human rights defenders calling for the end of a three-year state of emergency, which has suspended fundamental civil rights. Some say they have been forced to flee the country. 'They're trying to silence anyone who voices an opinion — professionals, ideologues, anyone who is critical — now they're jailed.' Quintanilla said. 'It's a vendetta.' Bukele's office did not respond to a request for comment. Observers see a worrisome escalation by the popular president, who enjoys extremely high approval ratings due to his crackdown on the country's gangs. By suspending fundamental rights, Bukele has severely weakened gangs but also locked up 87,000 people for alleged gang ties, often with little evidence or due process. A number of those detained were also critics. Bukele and his New Ideas party have taken control of all three branches of government, stacking the country's Supreme Court with loyalists. Last year, in a move considered unconstitutional, he ran for reelection, securing a resounding victory. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator,' Bukele said earlier this month in a speech. 'Better that than seeing Salvadorans killed on the streets.' In recent weeks, those who have long acted as a thorn in Bukele's side say looming threats have reached an inflection point. The crackdown comes as Bukele has garnered global attention for keeping some 200 Venezuelan deportees detained in a mega-prison built for gangs as part of an agreement with the Trump administration. Anaya was detained by authorities on unproven accusations of money laundering. Prosecutors said he would be sent to 'relevant courts' in the coming days. Quintanilla, his lawyer, rejects the allegations, saying his arrest stems from years of vocally questioning Bukele. Quintanilla, a longtime colleague of Anaya, said he decided to represent his friend in part because many other lawyers in the country were now too afraid to show their faces. On Tuesday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights expressed 'deep concern' over Anaya's arrest. Anaya, 61, is a respected lawyer and commentator in El Salvador with a doctorate in constitutional law. He has criticized Bukele's crackdown on the gangs and Bukele stacking of El Salvador's high court. Last year, he was among those who unsuccessfully petitioned the country's top electoral authority to reject Bukele's re-election bid, saying it violated the constitution. Days before his arrest, Anaya railed on television against the detention of human rights lawyer Ruth López, who last week shouted, 'They're not going to silence me, I want a public trial,' as police escorted her shackled to court. 'Of course I'm scared,' Anaya told the broadcast anchor. 'I think that anyone here who dares to speak out, speaks in fear.' While some of Bukele's most vocal critics, like Anaya and López, have been publicly detained, other human rights defenders have quietly slipped out of the country, hoping to seek asylum elsewhere in the region. They declined to comment or be identified out of fear that they would be targeted even outside El Salvador. Last month, a protest outside of Bukele's house was violently quashed by police and some of the protesters arrested. He also ordered the arrest of the heads of local bus companies for defying his order to offer free transport while a major highway was blocked. In late May, El Salvador's Congress passed a 'foreign agents' law, championed by the populist president. It resembles legislation implemented by governments in Nicaragua, Venezuela, Russia, Belarus and China to silence and criminalize dissent by exerting pressure on organizations that rely on overseas funding. Verónica Reyna, a human rights coordinator for the Salvadoran nonprofit Servicio Social Pasionista, said police cars now regularly wait outside her group's offices as a lingering threat. 'It's been little-by-little,' Reyna said. 'Since Trump came to power, we've seen (Bukele) feel like there's no government that's going to strongly criticize him or try to stop him.' Trump's influence extends beyond his vocal backing of Bukele, with his administration pushing legal boundaries to push his agenda, Reyna, other human rights defenders and journalists said. The U.S. Embassy in El Salvador, which once regularly denounced the government's actions, has remained silent throughout the arrests and lingering threats. It did not respond to a request for comment. In its final year, the Biden administration, too, dialed back its criticism of the Bukele government as El Salvador's government helped slow migration north in the lead up to the 2024 election. On Tuesday, Quintanilla visited Anaya in detention for the first time since his arrest while being watched by police officers. Despite the detention, neither Anaya nor Quintanilla have been officially informed of the charges. Quintanilla worries that authorities will use wide ranging powers granted to Bukele by the 'state of emergency' to keep him imprisoned indefinitely. Óscar Martínez, editor-in-chief of news site El Faro, and four other journalists have left the country and are unable to return safely, as they face the prospect of arrest stemming from their reporting. At a time when many other reporters have fallen silent out of fear, Martínez's news site has investigated Bukele more rigorously than perhaps any other, exposing hidden corruption and human rights abuses under his crackdown on gangs. In May, El Faro published a three-part interview with a former gang leader who claimed he negotiated with Bukele's administration. Soon after, Martínez said the organization received news that authorities were preparing an arrest order for a half-dozen of their journalists. This has kept at least five El Faro journalists, including Martínez, stranded outside their country for over a month. On Saturday, when the reporters tried to return home on a flight, a diplomatic source and a government official informed them that police had been sent to the airport to wait for them and likely arrest them. The journalists later discovered that their names, along with other civil society leaders, appeared on a list of 'priority objectives' held by airport authorities. Martínez said Anaya's name was also on the list. Now in a nearby Central American nation, Martínez said he doesn't know when he will be able to board another flight home. And if he does, he doesn't know what will happen when he steps off. 'We fear that, if we return — because some of us surely will try — we'll be imprisoned,' he said. 'I am positive that if El Faro journalists are thrown in prison, we'll be tortured and, possibly, even killed.' ____ Janetsky reported from Mexico City. ____ Follow AP's coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at

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