PKK dissolution to make politics easier for Kurds: Politician

Rudaw Net

05-03-2025

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ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Turkey's opposition Democracy and Progress (DEVA) party Deputy Chairman Mehmet Emin Ekmen said the potential dissolution of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) will positively impact the status of Kurds in Turkey, especially the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party).
'Until now, the expression of certain democratic demands in politics could not be articulated due to the fear and threat of terrorism. Not only the DEM Party, but also politicians from other Turkish parties would worry about whether they would face terrorism charges when wanting to express something about the Kurdish issue. This will be eliminated. People in Turkish politics who know what needs to be done regarding the Kurdish issue couldn't take certain steps due to the fear of division and the threat of terrorism. The state will also be relieved from this fear and threat,' Ekmen told Rudaw's Muhammed Izzadin last week.
On Thursday, a DEM Party delegation shared a letter from Abdullah Ocalan in which he urged his Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to disarm and disband. The message - conveyed from Turkey's secluded Imrali prison where Ocalan has been imprisoned since 1999 - has sparked hope for the resolution to the nearly four-decade conflict between Turkey and the PKK, which has claimed over 40,000 lives.
Thousands of people, especially Kurdish politicians, have been arrested in recent years over alleged ties with the PKK.
A senior PKK commander said on Tuesday that the group will 'transform' and begin a political struggle after ending its decades-long deadly conflict with Ankara.
Ankara continues its policy of sacking Kurdish mayors for alleged ties with the PKK. Ekmen believes this will end too after the PKK is dissolved.
'For the DEM Party, the trustee appointments, investigations for membership in terrorist organizations, or similar reasons will stop… and Turkish politics will become freer, stronger, and more constructive than before,' he said.
The following is the full text of the interview with Ekmen:
RUDAW: I would like to start with this question. What will be the impact of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan's call on domestic politics and inter-party relations in Turkey?
Ekmen: Until now, the expression of certain democratic demands in politics could not be articulated due to the fear and threat of terrorism. Not only the DEM Party, but also politicians from other Turkish parties would worry about whether they would face terrorism charges when wanting to express something about the Kurdish issue. This will be eliminated. People in Turkish politics who know what needs to be done regarding the Kurdish issue couldn't take certain steps due to the fear of division and the threat of terrorism. The state will also be relieved from this fear and threat.
In Kurdish politics, diversity and variety will likely form both in Kurdistan-focused parties and political actors engaged in Turkey-wide politics. For the DEM Party, the trustee appointments, investigations for membership in terrorist organizations, or similar reasons will stop. The DEM Party's cadres will be renewed, and Turkish politics will become freer, stronger, and more constructive than before.
Well, there is talk of early general elections in Turkey. How does the DEVA Party, as an opposition party, view early elections?
The elections are more than three years away. According to the constitution, either [President Recep Tayyip] Erdogan makes the decision for elections, or 360 parliamentarians in the assembly, which cannot happen without the [ruling Justice and Development Party] AKP. So there can be no election without Erdogan and the AKP wanting it. I find the discussion of the election agenda premature. I also find CHP's candidate determination premature. But if you ask how this process will affect the elections, it takes some time. We support good works in democratization, rule of law, and human rights. But this process started on October 1. During the same period, more than twenty journalists underwent investigations in Turkey. Even an astrologer who said "I see this" underwent an investigation. It was almost a comedy.
Along with this, there are raids on municipalities. Not just trustee appointments, but also raids on CHP municipalities. There are raids on journalists, television stations, and civil society organizations. Now, all of these actually contradict [Nationalist Movement Party leader Devlet] Bahceli's call saying "let's lay down weapons and strengthen the democratic ground." We will also monitor developments, but our understanding is that Mr. Erdogan cannot present a better perspective on democratization. In other words, he is planning to increase his power as much as possible and, when the opportunity arises, to enter elections again and win. And these are things that are distant from our perspective.
As the DEVA Party, as an opposition party in the parliament, do you support holding early elections? Are you on CHP's side on this issue?
The economy in Turkey is very bad. Mehmet Simsek came, interest rates rose to 50 percent. But retirees who receive the minimum wage, minimum wage earners, and people without any guarantee are in very difficult conditions. Of course, we would want an election to improve these conditions. An opposition party cannot say "we don't want elections." We are ready for an election at any time. But I answered earlier. Even if all parties except the AKP come together, they cannot make the election decision in the Parliament. Therefore, Erdogan and the AKP will decide on the election.
Let's look back at the last ten years. 36 soldiers were martyred in Syria. There were trench events. There was a coup attempt. The dollar rose from 3 liras to 30 liras over time. There was no early election. Since there won't be an early election because the opposition wants it, I don't think it's right for these issues to be discussed more than necessary. Then the opposition voter will think, they couldn't even make an election decision, and maybe they will resent the ballot box.
There's another hot question. The issue of rewriting the constitution. How does the DEVA Party view writing a new constitution?
We say that a new constitution is needed. There are very clear regulations on this in our party program and action plans. However, Erdogan creates some discussions to occupy the public since he gave up on the interest rate policy after the election. One of them is the constitution. For two years, they've been saying let's make a new constitution. Well, is there a proposal submitted to the Parliament? No. Has this issue been discussed by visiting political parties? No. Then they have no intention of a new constitution. In fact, the opposition in Turkey is also concerned that a new constitution will give Mr. Erdogan the right to be elected once more.
Now all of these are in the past. And we are in a peace process. If this process reaches a certain point, the state may want to say that I am recognizing certain rights by myself, not through bargaining. There are such signs. Therefore, we can discuss the issue of a new constitution only when the solution process or peace process, what we call Ocalan's call, reaches a certain maturity. As of today, there is no such agenda.
What is your party's view on the definition of citizenship in the constitution?
We believe that the current definition in the constitutional citizenship definition should be changed to a more inclusive one that includes all religious, linguistic, racial, and ethnic differences living in Turkey.
Let's come to another question. At what level are the DEVA Party's relations with Kurdish parties and the Kurdistan Region?
We are a party that appeals to all of Turkey. Our party is a democratic party. Kurdish issue, fundamental rights and freedoms, education in the mother tongue, constitutional citizenship, local governments, cultural rights are all written in great detail in our party program. Let's also acknowledge that parties known as Kurdistan parties bring a nice diversity and pluralism to politics. But when Kurdish voters go to the polls, they prefer to turn to the strongest party both in the region and throughout Turkey. That's why we have an open door policy with all other political parties and actors. We meet with everyone, listen to everyone, convey our own ideas to everyone.
What is your view on Turkey's foreign policy and the Syrian issue? CHP still criticizes Turkey's Syria policy now, as it did during the [Bashar al-Assad era.
We think several issues regarding Syria are very important. First, Syria's territorial integrity must be preserved. Syrians will decide which governance model will be implemented. However, Syria's constitutional drafting process should be broad enough to include Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Nusayris, Druze, Shiites, and Sunnis. At the same time, Syria's natural resources belong to all Syrians. We believe that Syria should achieve a truly pluralistic, democratic constitution without being divided. Of course, a Kurd should have as much share in the new administration in Syria as a Sunni Arab. Likewise, an Alevi, a Nusayri, a Druze should see themselves in that constitution and feel secure in that administration. There are two negative examples right next to us. The models in Iraq and Lebanon were not successful. In other words, a model that distributes positions and statuses did not succeed. I honestly don't have an idea about what kind of model will be produced in Syria, but we are also curiously following it.
What do you think about the return of Syrians living in Turkey? Does the DEVA Party now think that Syrian refugees should return?
No Syrian came to Turkey for pleasure. No Syrian is very happy and rich in Turkey either. They would want to return to their country when there is opportunity and possibility. But for them to return to their country, a new system needs to be established, legal guarantees need to be provided, and they need to be sure that there will be no investigation regarding their property or themselves. Assad is gone, a new Shara administration has come. The Shara administration seems close to doing these. My opinion is that when the reconstruction of Syria, together with infrastructure, comes to the agenda, when those places are rebuilt, a significant portion of Syrian migrants will return. We find a voluntary return that is encouraged, emboldened, and strongly supported to be right.