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Several Russian airports suspend operations

Several Russian airports suspend operations

Yahooa day ago

Reports have emerged about the suspension of operations at Russia's Kaluga, Vnukovo and Sheremetyevo airports.
Source: Russian media outlets citing Federal Air Transport Agency
Details: Initially, information appeared regarding the suspension of operations at Kaluga Airport.
Later, it was reported that restrictions had also been introduced on arrivals and departures at Vnukovo and Sheremetyevo.
No reasons were given for the restrictions at Russian airports.
Updated: According to the Federal Air Transport Agency, Vnukovo and Sheremetyevo airports resumed operations at around 03:00 Kyiv time.
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Utah embraces the next step in nuclear energy — fuel
Utah embraces the next step in nuclear energy — fuel

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time2 hours ago

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Utah embraces the next step in nuclear energy — fuel

The Utah National Guard is poised to ink a deal with a California-based company — confusingly called Utah Energy — to house a nuclear fuel enrichment processing facility. Another nuclear fuel enrichment processing facility is much needed in the United States. The only plant in the country that does this type of sophisticated work is in New Mexico, and it is currently running at capacity. 'Utah is filling the gap of what exists in the energy chain,' said Joel Ferry, the executive director of the Utah Department of Natural Resources. At a press conference Thursday, the Utah National Guard, Utah Energy and others outlined the plan to put Utah on the map as a major player in the nation's energy sphere — especially when it comes to next generation nuclear technology. 'We have to be ambitious because we are so far behind,' said Drew DeWalt with Utah Energy. 'We've been working around the margins.' DeWalt added: 'We are in a business of chance. ... We do not want to be flatfooted.' Emery, Grand, Carbon, Wayne and San Juan counties are full of uranium deposits. Utah is also home to the only processing mill for uranium — White Mesa in Blanding — but it does not take the uranium and turn it into fuel there. DeWalt said the uranium deposits in Utah put the state in an enviable position. But, unlike Europe and elsewhere, the United States has been hesitant to take up this new energy source, despite receiving 20 percent of its power from old-school nuclear power plants. 'Nuclear has not been a growth industry for a lot of decades, but it felt like a ground shift about three years ago,' DeWalt said. 'You should want this, but it is 'no we are good.' The energy need is so important in every state.' What is proposed to happen at Camp Williams is the task of taking that uranium and refining it for fuel in the advanced nuclear reactors. The Idaho National Laboratory describes HALEU as high-assay low-enriched uranium. 'HALEU fuel has some big advantages over conventional light water reactor fuel including longer cycle times in reactor, less waste production and less downtime for refueling. 'With HALEU, advanced reactors can get increased fuel in-core lifetimes because you have higher enrichment,' said Adrian Wagner, a metallurgical engineer and INL's Advanced Manufacturing group lead. 'In simple terms, higher enrichment means more uranium-235 atoms in each pellet.' The U.S. Department of Energy warned last year that the Russian war with Ukraine will drive the need for the development of this fuel. Russia has roughly 44% of the world's uranium enrichment capacity and supplies approximately 35% of our imports for nuclear fuel. The transition away from Russian-sourced fuel will not happen overnight. 'The Department of Energy estimates that U.S. utilities have roughly three years of LEU (low enriched uranium) available through existing inventory or pre-existing contracts. To ensure our plants do not experience any disruptions, we're creating a waiver process to allow some imports of LEU from Russia to continue for a limited time,' the agency said. When questioned about safety, DeWalt and others said this material already travels along the I-15 corridor, and environmental and safety protocols will be strictly followed should the project come to fruition. Ferry said this agreement, which will go through several public hearings and is slated to be discussed next week at interim legislative committee meetings, will be vetted and rigorously scrutinized. He talked about Operation Gigawatt, an initiative announced last year by Utah Gov. Spencer Cox to double energy production in the state in 10 years. Utah is no longer coloring outside the lines or dabbling in what could be a clean, renewable energy resource to sustain the grid, he added. Utah, he emphasized, is committed because it has to be. 'Utah has always been a leader,' he said. 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'I would not be doing this if I did not think there were going to be advanced reactors in every community,' he said. The Office of Energy Development under Ferry is on board to pursue this venture and wants the Utah community to learn more and become engaged in the science. 'This is generational,' Ferry said.

Trump's top diplomat in Africa leaving State Department
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What Mongolia's New Prime Minister Means for Its Democracy
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What Mongolia's New Prime Minister Means for Its Democracy

Gombojav Zandanshatar looks on during a meeting with his counterpart in the Hungarian parliament in Budapest on March 6, 2024. Credit - Tibor Illyes—MTI/AP It's either a triumph for people power or a worrying lurch towards authoritarianism, depending on whom you ask, but Mongolia has a new Prime Minister: Zandanshatar Gombojav, a Russian-educated former banker who previously served as Foreign Minister, Chief of the Cabinet Secretariat, and speaker of the State Great Khural parliament. 'I will work forward, not backward,' Zandanshatar told the State Great Khural, whose lawmakers overwhelmingly approved his elevation to the premiership by 108 out of the 117 members present. 'By respecting unity, we will overcome this difficult economic situation.' They're economic woes that contributed to the downfall of outgoing Prime Minister Luvsannamsrain Oyun-Erdene, who belongs to the same Mongolian People's Party (MPP) but quit after failing to receive sufficient backing in a June 3 confidence vote he called to quell popular protests demanding his ouster. For several weeks, thousands of predominantly young demonstrators have thronged central Ulaanbaatar's Sukhbaatar Square in outrage at the lavish displays of wealth that Oyun-Erdene's son and fiancée posted on social media, including helicopter rides, an expensive engagement ring, a luxury car, and designer handbags. The crowds called for Oyun-Erdene to disclose his personal finances, but he declined saying that they had already been provided to the nation's Anti-Corruption Agency, as required by law. However, public trust in that body and the wider judiciary is scant following a slew of high-profile graft scandals coupled with a conspicuous lack of prosecutions or accountability. 'Oyun-Erdene was the one who was talking about morals, transparency, and corruption,' protest leader Unumunkh Jargalsaikhan, 27, tells TIME. 'But Mongolia is actually degrading when it comes to the economy and freedoms. The corruption scandal was just the spark.' Unumunkh blames rising living costs and torpid wages for driving public anger, especially among young people. Mongolia is facing an economic crunch with government spending rising 20% year-on-year for the first four months of 2025 but goods exports falling by 13% over the same period, owed not least to a 39% decline in coal exports. Still, Oyun-Erdene was dismissive of the protesters and in a statement instead blamed 'a web of interests, tangled like a spider's web' for toppling him. Oyun-Erdene's supporters say his ouster had three drivers: Firstly, and with a dash of irony, his relentless pursuit of official graft, including a draft law his cabinet just submitted that would compel all public officials to justify their income. Secondly, last year's updated Minerals Law, which puts 34% of the equity of 'strategic' mines—defined as producing over 5% of GDP—into a Sovereign Wealth Fund. Today, nine of Mongolia's 16 strategic deposits are privately owned by influential industrialist families. 'Those private companies are very unhappy and completely opposed to 34% belonging to the state,' says Jargalsaikhan Dambadarjaa, a Mongolian broadcaster and political commentator. Read More: The Promise of Nuclear Energy Brings the West to Mongolia The third alleged driver is more contentious: that Mongolian President Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh deviously undermined Oyun-Erdene in order to change the constitution to boost presidential powers and extend term limits from the single, six-year stint currently permitted. True, incoming Prime Minister Zandanshatar's most recent posting was as chief-of-staff to Khurelsukh, who chose to give a midnight speech to the State Great Khural on the eve of Oyun-Erdene's no-confidence vote that urged lawmakers to represent their constituents rather than a single political leader. Despite the MPP having enough lawmakers to reach the 64-vote threshold required to save Oyun-Erdene, his own party deserted him, with the secret ballot totaling just 44 votes for, 38 against. Oyun-Erdene's camp paints Khurelsukh as an aspiring autocrat intent on aligning Mongolia with authoritarian neighbors China and Russia, noting how he hosted Vladimir Putin in Ulaanbaatar in September, flouting an International Criminal Court arrest warrant, and also attended Moscow's Victory Day Parade in May. A doctored photo depicting Khurelsukh as having commissioned a giant golden statue of himself in the manner resembling a Central Asian despot is doing the rounds on social media. However, this narrative has some problems. Gladhanding Putin is a political necessity for landlocked Mongolia, whose 3.5 million population relies on Moscow for 90% of imported gas and petroleum and is completely beholden to Russia for security. 'Turning up in September was Putin showing the rest of the world his middle finger,' says Prof. Julian Dierkes, a Mongolia expert at the University of Mannheim in Germany. 'There was no option for Mongolia to say no.' Moreover, Khurelsukh has proven an internationalist, first addressing the U.N. General Assembly soon after his inauguration in 2021 and returning every year since. (His predecessor, Khaltmaagiin Battulga, rarely showed up.) While not outright condemning Russia's aggression in Ukraine, Khurelsukh's latest UNGA address in September did pointedly voice opposition to 'using force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any state.' Khurelsukh has also repeatedly gone on record to oppose amending the constitution, which was just updated in 2019 to strengthen the legislative branch. 'Honestly, there isn't a lot of worry about the President trying to stay in power,' says Bolor Lkhaajav, a Mongolian political analyst and commentator. Dierkes agrees: 'I call baloney on the 'evil President thesis.'' It's also a thesis that completely ignores the concerns of the Sukhbaatar Square protesters while presuming that things in Mongolia were otherwise rosy and improving under Oyun-Erdene. However, Mongolia's score on the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index had fallen from 35 out of 100 when he came to power in 2021 to just 33 last year. Meanwhile, human-rights groups have condemned the prosecution of peaceful protesters and prominent journalists under his watch. Mongolia's press freedom ranking dropped to 109 out of 180 countries last year, down from 88 in 2023, according to Reporters Without Borders. 'On corruption, he's taken rhetorical actions,' Dierkes says of Oyun-Erdene. 'And on democracy promotion, he's taken negative actions. He is no democracy warrior.' Moreover, while Zandanshatar is clearly close to the President, he is by no means a lacky, being a highly educated career politician—a former visiting scholar at Stanford—with his own power base. Still, what Zandanshatar's rise to the premiership means for Mongolia going forward is a big question. A married father-of-four, Zandanshatar, 55, developed a reputation as a thoughtful, steady speaker of parliament. Following his posting at Stanford, he returned enthused about deliberative polling, which was subsequently employed to gauge public opinion prior to the 2019 constitutional amendment. Zandanshatar does, however, have a democratic deficit given he's one of the few senior MPP figures not to have won a seat in the 2024 election, though he had been elected three times previously. Although choosing a non-lawmaker as Prime Minister is not unprecedented, Dierkes fears this may serve as a 'legitimacy achilles heel' should the winds turn against him. Jargalsaikhan also notes Zandanshatar was one of the proponents of Mongolia's 2006 'windfall tax' on copper and gold mining profits. (The 68% levy—the world's highest—was repealed in 2009 after decimating investor confidence.) Oyun-Erdene had earmarked 14 new mega projects to boost economic growth, including a major expansion of renewable energy and cross-border railway connections with China, which receives 90% of Mongolian exports. He also promised to diversify the country's economy, which is heavily dependent on a mining industry that accounts for a quarter of GDP. But policy continuity is key to attracting the foreign investment necessary to realize these goals. 'Until investment laws are consistent here, investors are going to be wary,' says Steve Potter, an honorary member and former chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce in Ulaanbaatar. 'Constant changes in rules and regulations have long been a problem. Consequently, foreign investment has been very lackluster.' Investor uncertainty isn't the only worry. Having lasted in power four-and-a-half years, Oyun-Erdene was the longest-serving of Mongolia's 18 Prime Ministers since its 1990 democratic revolution. The revolving door of governments and leaders has augmented the idea that parliamentarian democracy is flawed or inherently unsuited to Mongolian society, while rendering a centralized political system more appealing for some—an idea that is being amplified by shadowy actors on social media and galvanized by Oyun-Erdene's tone deaf response to protesters' demands. 'The protests were organic, but instead of showing his financial papers the Prime Minister's response was so political,' says Bolor. 'His reaction showed just how disconnected he was from the people, who only care about how his policies are impacting their daily lives, such as air pollution, unemployment, and corruption.' So while Oyun-Erdene's demise was likely rooted in factional bickering rather than a nefarious power grab, the debacle contains a stark warning that Mongolia's political class needs to start pulling in the same direction for cherished freedoms to be secured. 'Democracy itself is very fragile,' says Jargalsaikhan. 'But it's so important and can only be protected by a thriving parliamentarian system. And we must not lose democracy in Mongolia.' Write to Charlie Campbell at

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