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Real ID deadline: Here's what happens if you don't get one by May 7

Real ID deadline: Here's what happens if you don't get one by May 7

Yahoo11-04-2025

The Real ID deadline won't be delayed again.
Real ID enforcement will begin May 7, 2025, almost exactly 20 years after Congress first passed the Real ID Act that set higher standards for state-issued identification documents.
Patricia Mancha, spokeswoman for the Transportation Security Administration, told The Arizona Republic on April 10 that her understanding is the federal government will not change the deadline again.
People who plan to fly after May 7 should make sure they have a Real ID when they go to the airport because those who don't will face increased scrutiny at security and might not be able to board, she said.
Yes. Travelers must have a Real ID for flights on or after May 7, 2025.
The Arizona Real ID — also called the Arizona Travel ID — has a gold or black star in the top right corner.
"I want to recommend to everyone that you get that magic star on your Arizona driver's license as soon as possible," Phoenix Mayor Kate Gallego said.
She was at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport on April 10 with Mancha and Arizona Department of Transportation spokesman Bill Lamoreaux to urge Arizonans to get their Real IDs now.
To get a Real ID in Arizona, ADOT requires one document for proof of birth, two documents for proof of address and a Social Security number.
Acceptable documents for proof of birth include:
Certified birth certificate.
U.S. certificate of birth abroad.
U.S. passport or passport card.
Permanent resident card or resident alien card.
Unexpired USCIS employment authorization document.
I-94 form with an unexpired foreign passport and unexpired U.S. visa.
U.S. certificate of naturalization.
U.S. certificate of citizenship.
Acceptable documents for proof of address must be issued from a business, organization or government agency and include your name and residential address. Documents must be in print. These include:
Utility bills.
Credit card or bank statements.
Insurance policies.
Appointments are not required for an Arizona Travel ID, but walk-ins have average waits of about 15 minutes, Lamoreaux said.
People can make appointments at an MVD office or approved third-party office online at AZMVDNow.gov. During the office visit, they'll bring their identification and review their application with a representative.
Yes, though it doesn't have to be a state-issued ID.
There's a long list of acceptable Real ID credentials that will work for flights within the U.S. if people's state-issued driver's licenses aren't compliant, Mancha said.
These include passport books and cards, military IDs, tribal nation and Indian tribe IDs, and trusted traveler cards for U.S. Department of Homeland Security programs such as Global rEntry.
Remember that a state-issued ID, even a Real ID, cannot be used instead of a passport for international travel, Mancha said.
After the May 7 deadline, people without a Real ID will face additional scrutiny at the airport, Mancha said.
TSA screeners will ask questions to validate the person's identity and inspect their luggage, she said. If screeners can't verify a person's identity, there's no guarantee they will be able to fly.
Passengers without a Real ID who are subject to additional screening will be brought aside so it won't disrupt the flow of lines at checkpoints, Mancha said.
Get the Arizona news you need. Sign up for AZ Briefing from azcentral.
You can get a Real ID after May 7.
You can start your application for an Arizona Travel ID at AZMVDNow.gov. Finishing the process requires an in-person visit.
After applying for the Travel ID, Arizonans can then schedule an appointment at one of ADOT's MVD offices or one of the agency's approved third-party offices. During this visit, they'll bring their identification and review their application with a representative.
It takes about two weeks after an appointment for an Arizona Travel ID to arrive in the mail, according to ADOT. However, Lamoreaux recommends allowing at least three weeks to make sure it arrives in plenty of time.
Lamoreaux noticed a sense of urgency among Arizonans getting licenses at MVD offices. In recent weeks, about 75% of Arizonans getting licenses chose the Arizona Travel ID instead of the standard credential that is not Real ID-compliant.
Yes. TSA PreCheck is not a substitute for Real ID.
Yes. Global Entry is among the documents that counts as a Real ID.
Michael Salerno is an award-winning journalist who's covered travel and tourism since 2014. His work as The Arizona Republic's consumer travel reporter aims to help readers navigate the stresses of traveling and get the best value for their money on their vacations. He can be reached at Michael.Salerno@gannett.com.
Subscribe to azcentral.com today.
Get tacos at the airport: Best Mexican food at the Phoenix airport, from Barrio Cafe to Tacos Chiwas
This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: Real ID: What happens if you don't get one by May 7 deadline

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A Texas Republican new to Congress, Brandon Gill has a knack for getting noticed
A Texas Republican new to Congress, Brandon Gill has a knack for getting noticed

Yahoo

time25 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

A Texas Republican new to Congress, Brandon Gill has a knack for getting noticed

WASHINGTON — Rep. Brandon Gill knows how to get attention. Now a 31-year-old Republican freshman in Congress, Gill has been courting President Donald Trump's favor since he founded the DC Enquirer, a conservative outlet in 2022. He calls liberals "deranged," says Biden unleashed "chaos" across the country, and considers Dinesh D'Souza, his father-in-law who was federally convicted of making illegal campaign contributions, a political mentor. Gill, of Flower Mound, appears regularly on conservative platforms including Fox News, OAN and high-profile podcasts — and clips of his House hearing questions have racked up more than a million views on YouTube. After moving back to Texas, and winning in his first campaign for office, his main focus, Gill said in an interview with The Texas Tribune, is to codify Trump's executive orders. 'What we want to do is make sure that all of the great work that the president is doing remains permanent,' Gill said. 'So that a future Democrat doesn't unleash the same kind of chaos on our country that Joe Biden did.' In his first five months in Congress, Gill has introduced bills to impeach a federal judge who attempted to stop some deportation flights, codify Trump's 'Remain in Mexico' immigration policy, and put Trump's face on the $100 bill. His bills have not yet made it to the House floor, and most – except his Remain in Mexico bill – have failed to garner significant support. Gill's intertwined legislative and media strategy, however, has burnished his reputation among MAGA supporters and earned him praise from other Republicans in the Texas delegation. In many ways, Gills' early political career is modeled after the path of other political figures who have made unfettered statements and disruptive moves as they made their way into the spotlight. Each in his own way tests how and if attention can translate into influence, and Gill says he draws lessons from D'Souza, a longtime conservative agitator. Such a group would also include former Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida, Trump's first pick to be Attorney General, as well as Representatives Dan Crenshaw, Keith Self and Chip Roy, all Texas Republicans. Gill himself made a political debut as a Dartmouth student leading a conservative student publication – The Dartmouth Review. After a few years working as an investment banker and a hedge fund analyst in New York, he founded and led a conservative publication, the DC Enquirer, known for right-wing framed articles, conspiracy theories and commentary pieces. Trump posted DC Enquirer stories or reposted links to the outlet more than 100 times on his social media accounts. Gill said his role there taught him how to handle the media, which he says 'sets the parameters of debate' in Washington. 'You learn how to communicate in a way that resonates with a broader audience outside of the DC bubble,' Gill said. He stepped down from his editorial role with DC Enquirer when he began his congressional campaign and the outlet has not posted any articles since Gill was sworn into Congress in January. Gill married conservative author Danielle D'Souza in 2017. Dinesh D'Souza is known for his books and films that emphasize false conspiracies about Democrats and the accuracy of the 2020 election. He was pardoned in 2018 by Trump after he pled guilty to making illegal campaign contributions in other people's names. Gill said his father-in-law has taught him how to be precise while speaking about politics and how to 'push the bounds of discussion.' 'I learned a ton from him,' Gill said about his father-in-law. 'He's sort of a political mentor of mine.' He worked with his father-in-law on the film promoting the false idea that 2020 election was stolen, '2000 Mules,' and was a producer on Dinesh D'Souza's 2023 film, 'Police State'. Gill announced his candidacy for Congress in November 2023 and received Trump's endorsement within two weeks. Trump posted on Truth that Gill is an 'America first,' candidate, 'as loyal and tough as they come,' while also highlighting Gill's connection to his father-in-law. The endorsement in the race, left open by Rep. Michael Burgess's retirement, cleared the way for Gill to sweep the Republican primary. Others who supported Gill's campaign included Gaetz, then a Florida Representative; Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan, and Sen. Ted Cruz. Later on, Gaetz would post that Gill once told a SuperPAC that Gaetz was the member of Congress he most wanted to emulate. In the November election, Gill won 62% of the vote against Democratic candidate Ernest Lineberger. Throughout the election, Lineberger said, Gill would be personable at candidate forums – talking about family or saying that it was nice to see him. But, when Gill spoke to the audience, he would – as Lineberger put it – quickly flip into 'demonizing the Democrats.' 'He is a professional disinformation spreader, and that is what he has continued to do,' Lineburger said in an interview. In his second month on Capitol Hill, Gill sent out a fundraising email that included a petition to deport Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minnesota. Omar was born in Somalia and has been a U.S. citizen since 2000, when she was 17 years old. 'We should have never let Ilhan Omar into our country,' the email said. 'And frankly, America would be a much better place if she were to be sent back to Somalia.' Rep. Greg Casar, D-Austin, told the Tribune that he has had conversations with Gill related to this incident, including about how members of Congress should take their jobs seriously and that disagreements will happen, but that there is a line. 'He can stand out based on his opinions, if he wants to, but he shouldn't stand out by saying things that put the life at risk of people that he works with,' Casar said. Gill has continued to set off sparks at House committee hearings – leading to clips that have gone viral in conservative circles – with pointed lines of questions directed at the CEO of NPR, the mayor of Chicago and the head of USA Fencing. Cruz praised Gill on his podcast, 'Verdict with Ted Cruz,' calling the freshman representative a 'rising star in the House,' and Gaetz, in a social media post, called Gill the better version of himself following the NPR hearing. Rep. Wesley Hunt, R-Houston, who serves with Gill on the oversight committee, praised the freshman. 'He's making very big waves,' Hunt said in April. 'He's doing a very good job. He's speaking our language.' In committee hearings Gill says his job is 'to highlight and to call out some of the crazy things that these deranged leftists have been promoting for so long.' Gill wrote on X in March that 'multiculturalism will tear our country apart.' The post has more than 23 million views on the platform. The congressman elaborated to the Tribune adding that immigrants need to 'assimilate to our culture and adopt our customs and adhere to our traditions,' to preserve the American identity. Gill posted on X last month that he was against House Republican social media pages posting in Spanish. He has also supported bills that would bar Chinese nationals from attending U.S. universities and from purchasing farmland in the country. Gill represents the Republican stronghold of District 26, which covers the north Dallas-Fort Worth suburbs and extends to the Texas-Oklahoma border That includes Cooke County, a rural area where the Republican chair is Chris McNamara. He told the Tribune that while Gill's method of rising politically is not how he would do things, the Republican base in his county does get excited about Gill's strategy. 'Within the district, he gets a lot of support from that,' McNamara said. 'He's probably, I would think, trying to get some national attention, some leverage attention.' Trump's endorsement during the primary was 'big,' for Gill's local support, McNamara said, adding that 'it can't hurt to be on the President's good side'. 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Roy and Self are members of the hardline House Freedom Caucus and have recently served as crucial holdouts to win policy promises from House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-Louisiana, and Trump before joining the majority on key votes. Gill was endorsed by the Freedom Caucus's PAC in his House primary and said that he would join the caucus on his first day. He told Politico that the member he most wanted to be like was Jordan, of Ohio, the first chair of the caucus, also known for provocative statements. The freshman representative has not yet been a holdout against key Republican legislation, but he went further than Johnson and party leadership in March regarding the federal judge, James Boasberg, who was attempting to stop deportation flights. Gill advocated for impeachment, while party leadership looked for other options, such as ending national injunctions. He also told the Tribune that the Freedom Caucus holdouts on the budget reconciliation package had 'excellent points,' and that the holdouts were fighting to include Trump's agenda into the final tax and spending bill. Gill had returned to Washington early, a week after his son was born in May, in an attempt to move the Republican megabill out of the House Budget Committee. The legislation was temporarily blocked by Roy and other holdouts in the committee as they pushed for more reforms. Gill has plans to continue focusing on his push to permanently defund NPR and PBS, lower border crossings, codify cuts to the federal workforce, and eliminate some of the Biden administration's climate policies. 'We should be doing … all the things that we told voters we were going to do,' Gill said. 'The things that voters saw us talking about and said, 'We need to give these people a majority in Washington.' ' Disclosure: Politico has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here. First round of TribFest speakers announced! Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Maureen Dowd; U.S. Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-San Antonio; Fort Worth Mayor Mattie Parker; U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California; and U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas are taking the stage Nov. 13–15 in Austin. Get your tickets today!

Opinion - Unfixable FEMA puts the ‘disaster' into ‘disaster recovery'
Opinion - Unfixable FEMA puts the ‘disaster' into ‘disaster recovery'

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Opinion - Unfixable FEMA puts the ‘disaster' into ‘disaster recovery'

We thought reform was possible. We were wrong. We were brought to Puerto Rico to fix FEMA's broken disaster recovery processes after Hurricane Maria struck in 2017. Our team of seven Lean Six Sigma experts — decorated military officers and retired executives — had more than 150 years of combined experience in process improvement across 60 organizations in more than 20 countries, including war zones. FEMA was the only organization our team unanimously deemed unfixable — not because the mission was complex, but because of its toxic mix of incompetence, lack of accountability, and calcified dysfunction. FEMA's three-part mission was extremely simple: assess damage, calculate costs, release funds. Yet two years after Hurricane Maria, only 5 percent to 8 percent of cost estimates had been completed. Recovery had stalled. And instead of admitting failure, FEMA inflated $1.5 billion in project estimates to mislead Congress. At FEMA's Joint Recovery Office near San Juan — with 2,000 to 3,000 staff — the public Wi-Fi password had to be changed because so many employees were streaming Netflix. Damage assessments were routinely fabricated. 'It's easier,' one staffer told us. When we reported it, investigators asked, 'Did anyone take the money?' We said no. They lost interest. It got worse. FEMA approved leasing $46 million in pumps that could have been bought for $4 million. A whistleblower who reported this later died under suspicious circumstances — his body was cremated without an autopsy, despite requests for a forensic review. FEMA's response? Nothing. At the core was FEMA's unique DEI mandate: 80 percent of positions had to be filled locally, regardless of qualifications. Only 25 percent of residents were fluent in English, and fewer than one-third held college degrees. This created a woeful mismatch between mission needs and personnel. The federal coordinating officer had told us, 'I wish I had retired execs who just want to do the right thing.' We recruited just such a team, but we were then sidelined during our time in Puerto Rico from July 2018 to June 2019, largely due to discrimination. Merit was irrelevant. FEMA handed its critical improvement program to a young woman who epitomized quota-driven hiring. Enrolled in law school, she unabashedly prioritized classes over work, failed our Lean Six Sigma training, tried to steal test material, and colluded with the prime contractor to dilute requirements. We reported her, but she was protected. We faced relentless discrimination for being 'the straight old white guys.' Some managers mocked us in Spanish. FEMA's Equal Employment Opportunity office 'lost' our complaints five times. The lead counselor was fired the day before the investigation was set to begin. Discrimination was later confirmed by FEMA's Office of Professional Responsibility, but the findings were suppressed for six years. When we filed a Freedom of Information Act request for the report, FEMA redacted it entirely — including the page numbers. We brought our findings to Congress and the Inspector General but were ignored. Freedom of Information requests were stonewalled. FEMA's Freedom of Information office withheld records — even from Congress. That's not incompetence — it's obstruction. After exhausting every avenue — facing retaliation, smear campaigns, and sabotage — we filed lawsuits. Seven are now active, three of them naming FEMA. They were filed just before the statutes of limitations expired, only because FEMA's Whistleblower Protection Unit, Equal Employment Opportunity office, and Freedom of Information teams delayed resolution for years. Legal costs now exceed $700,000 — and we haven't even set foot in court yet. The strategy is attrition: Bury the truth in paperwork and delay. It is now 2025, and Puerto Rico's recovery remains incomplete. Its power grid is fragile. Two near-total blackouts in six months confirmed what we already knew: FEMA failed — and still is failing. In a real national emergency, FEMA will not be the answer. U.S. Northern Command, the National Guard, the Defense Logistics Agency, and hardened continuity-of-government military sites like Cheyenne Mountain and Raven Rock are the real backstops — not FEMA bureaucrats. Even in routine disasters, FEMA doesn't do the heavy lifting during the response. That falls to the Army Corps of Engineers, local EMS, and the Red Cross. In recovery, FEMA behaves like a bloated, poorly run insurance company — slow to pay, hostile to oversight, and incapable of learning. We have kept fighting because this isn't about FEMA's image. It is about lives. Americans are being failed by a $33 billion bureaucracy that delivers PowerPoints instead of progress. FEMA doesn't go to where the work happens, embrace problems, or fix them. Rather, it hides failures, punishes dissent, and rewards mediocrity. In FEMA's culture, the nail that sticks up doesn't just get hammered back down — it gets audited, reassigned, or made to disappear. It embodies the very things the Lean Six Sigma management approach was intended to eliminate — overburden, waste, and unevenness. If FEMA were a company, it would be bankrupt. If a military unit, it would be relieved of command. Instead, it limps along—propped up by Cold War nostalgia and D.C. inertia. President Trump has spoken of dismantling it. He cannot do it soon enough. He should devolve emergency operations to the states via block grants. Let the military handle large-scale logistics. Bring back transparency, urgency, and accountability. It can't happen overnight, of course, but it must begin. States must be gradually and strategically weaned — both operationally and financially — from FEMA's central role in disaster recovery. This phased approach should prioritize high-aid, high-frequency states, based on disaster frequency and severity. States facing similar risks should form regional pacts to share resources and coordinate surge response. This starts with honest assessments of each state's disaster history, capacity, and capability gaps. It includes inventories of personnel, materiel, and clearly defined responsibilities. States should formalize mutual-aid agreements to offset localized shortfalls. And FEMA reservists should be retained in a modified form to provide flexible, rapid-deployment surge staffing when disasters exceed state capacity. We used to joke that if you sent FEMA managers out to get you a Big Mac and a Coke, they'd come back with a kitten, a pincushion, a harmonica — and not a single receipt. When the next real emergency hits, FEMA won't save anyone. Americans deserve better than the bureaucratic cosplay we witnessed when we tried in vain to fix. It is not ending FEMA, but continuing to fund FEMA that is radical. Barry Angeline, a retired business executive, led the FEMA Lean Six Sigma effort in Puerto Rico. Col. Dan McCabe (U.S. Army, Ret.), two-time Bronze Star recipient, served as a senior consultant for FEMA Lean Six Sigma in Puerto Rico. Both are federal whistleblowers. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Small colleges pursue endowment tax carveouts
Small colleges pursue endowment tax carveouts

Politico

time41 minutes ago

  • Politico

Small colleges pursue endowment tax carveouts

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'That gets you to make that bright line of distinction between the financial model of a large research institution and the financial model of a small, liberal arts college.' — More complex proposals would be based on the percentage of annual school endowment distributions devoted to student financial aid — insulating schools that use more of their endowments on student aid from higher tax rates. Institutions have also proposed an exemption for schools with a religious affiliation. — Such ideas could also base endowment tax rates on the number of students who pay full tuition and favor schools with high proportions of students who are eligible for Pell Grants. The Wall Street Journal reported some of the country's wealthiest schools are also supporting a requirement to distribute 5 percent of their endowments' value annually. — 'The most fundamental perspective we're trying to offer is that the endowment tax is a burden on students,' said Douglas Hicks, the president of Davidson College in North Carolina. 'So, our first position is to not increase the endowment tax for anyone.' — Hicks added: 'Schools that are meeting those goals of affordability, low indebtedness, high achievement, and high graduation rates should receive breaks from this tax.' — The small schools are working with the OGR government relations firm, which was hired by the American Council on Education to lobby on endowment tax issues and is serving as a coordinator for the individual work of the coalition's members. 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NCAA NEW ERA, OLD PROBLEMS — Welcome to the new, professionalized era of college sports. — U.S. District Judge Claudia Wilken gave her final approval on Friday to a landmark legal settlement on college athlete pay that will rewrite the rules of the industry — and open a new period of congressional lobbying and litigation. — Athletic leaders will address the media today to discuss a newly-established College Sports Commission — an organization led by a longtime Major League Baseball executive — that will be responsible for implementing the settlement's terms on player revenue sharing, endorsement deals, and roster limits. Schools are racing to meet a set of looming deadlines needed to implement the deal in time for the coming academic term. — But again: The transformative settlement does not grant college overseers their desired protection from antitrust laws, nor does it ban classifying athletes as employees, or stop conflicting state laws. Expect more pressure from schools on Congress in the weeks ahead, NCAA President Charlie Baker said Friday. — 'The NCAA and college sports leaders have made tremendous, positive change in recent years, but only Congress can address these issues,' Baker said in a letter to schools. — A House commerce subcommittee is scheduled to hold a hearing Thursday to discuss the latest conservative-led legislative proposal for the industry. Education Department BREAKING UP IS HARD TO DO — The Education Department is trying to determine if employees it decided to terminate have accepted other jobs in recent weeks. — The agency is setting out plans to 'reintegrate' workers cut during a massive reduction in force that sparked a federal court injunction that the Trump administration appealed to the Supreme Court on Friday. — Employees who were placed on administrative leave in March will not be formally separated from the department as planned this week, according to an email to workers sent Friday by the department's top human resources officer, your host reports. — Part of the plan also includes finding out how many employees are left to bring back to work. — The agency asked affected employees to voluntarily disclose any 'current outside employment or offers' they may have accepted since March, when the Trump administration announced it was cutting roughly half of the department's workforce. — Friday's announcement was prompted by a federal judge's order last month to block the administration from firing department workers, after ruling the announced terminations were a thinly veiled effort to dismantle the entire Education Department without congressional approval. — The Trump administration is pressing the Supreme Court for approval to carry out the firings. — 'We have all expectations to believe we'll be successful there, but until then we're complying with the court's ruling and abiding by the law,' department spokesperson Madi Biedermann told POLITICO. 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