
Iraqi brick workers risk health long-term
Baghdad – As dawn broke over central Iraq, teenage sisters Dalia and Rukaya Ghali were loading heavy bricks, forced out of school and into a hazardous job to support their family.
Covered in dirt, the sisters toiled for hours at the oil-fired brickworks near Al-Kifl city south of Baghdad, earning just enough to keep their younger siblings at school.
'I'm very tired, but what else can we do?' said 17-year-old Dalia, left with little choice but to work since she was 10, like about one in every 20 Iraqi children according to UN figures.
Her face concealed up to just below her eyes to protect her from the dirt and smoke that hung heavily in the air, Dalia said that if she and her 16-year-old sister had not been working, 'our family wouldn't have been able to survive.'
Babil province, where the Ghali family live, is Iraq's second poorest, according to the authorities. Nationwide, nearly 17 percent of the oil-rich country's 45 million people live in poverty.
Economic hardship has pushed five percent of Iraq's children into labour, a UN study found in 2018, often in harsh conditions and at a risk to their health.
Dalia uses the $80 a week she earns to cover tuition for two of her siblings, so they can escape a fate similar to hers even though the family needs the money.
Her uncle Atiya Ghali, 43, has been working at brick factories since he was 12.
Despite the hard labour and the low pay, he said he was willing to work his 'entire life' at the factory, where he now supervises dozens of labourers, as he has no other source of income.
Brickworks run on heavy fuel oil, producing high level of sulphur, a pollutant that causes respiratory illness.
The factories produce dust that also harms workers' lungs, with many suffering from rashes and constant coughing.
Authorities have asked brickworks to phase out their use of heavy oil, and closed 111 factories in the Baghdad area last year 'due to emissions' that breach environmental standards.
Adding to the polluted air that they breathe, labourers face the ever-present threat of work-related injury.
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Sabah Mahdi, 33, said he is anxious when he goes to work every morning.
'Some have been injured and others have died' at the factory, he said.
One co-worker was killed trapped in a brick-cutting machine, and another was burnt, said Mahdi.
Medical sources told AFP that 28 brick workers died in central and southern Iraq in 2024, and another 80 were injured.
The causes included fuel tank explosions and fires, as well as ceilings that collapsed in old factories, the sources said.
During winter, workers begin their shifts between 2:00 am and 4:00 am, but when summer hits, they rise earlier, starting their arduous tasks at midnight to escape the searing heat.
Women and children start by loading moulded clay onto a donkey-pulled cart, sending it to a group of men who unload the cargo into a dome-shaped oven.
They then start an oil-powered generator, initiating the heating process. For four days, smoke billows from the oven's chimney until the bricks turn yellow.
Every summer, many workers like Atiya Ghali move with their families into small clay rooms inside the factory to avoid prolonged power cuts and water shortages at home.
'Our salaries are not enough and the authorities don't support us,' said Ghali, whose wife Tahrir, 35, often works with him.
Despite the many hardships, workers have urged authorities not to close down factories for fear that they would be left without income.
Many have asked instead to be included in social security schemes and for better working conditions.
Hamza Saghir, 30, said his doctor had advised him to find a new job 'away from dust and heat' to overcome a relentless cough he has had for years.
He dreams of becoming a cab driver and 'building a house' for his family of 15, but the meagre pay he earns is far from enough to save up for a car or a home.
'I can't read or write,' said Saghir. 'I can't leave work.'
Tahrir Ghali said she would not let her six children work at the factory like their cousins do.
'I want them to become doctors,' she said, before shouting at a group of child workers nearby who had taken a short break to joke around.

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The Abaya: How a dress code debate exposes Iraq's deeper fault lines
Shafaq News/ A recent administrative decision by the Baghdad Provincial Council, aiming to officially recognize the "Zaynabiyya Abaya" as an acceptable dress code within state institutions, has unexpectedly ignited a widespread and heated debate across Iraqi social media. What might, at first glance, appear to be a mundane local policy pronouncement, has swiftly escalated into a telling microcosm of Iraq's intricate struggles with identity, religious influence, individual freedoms, and the enduring shadow of political opportunism. Zaynabiyya Abaya: A Garment Steeped in Meaning The defining characteristics of the Zaynabiyya Abaya set it apart as one of the most conservative and encompassing forms of Islamic dress. Designed for ultimate modesty, it is notably loose-fitting and voluminous, intended to shroud the entire body. Its wide cut ensures that the wearer's figure and bodily contours remain completely concealed, a central tenet of its design. 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At its essence, the Zaynabiyya Abaya is viewed by its adherents as the quintessential manifestation of Islamic dress principles, prioritizing chastity, humility, and the complete spiritual and physical veiling of the woman, serving as a tangible form of emulation of the revered women of the Prophet's household. While traditional abayas have been a staple of dress in Iraq and the Levant for centuries, the concept of the "Zaynabiyya Abaya" evolved to represent the pinnacle of modesty and traditional Islamic covering. It is not exclusively an Iraqi garment; its widespread adoption can be observed across many Muslim-majority nations, though its prominence varies. In countries like Iraq, Kuwait, the UAE, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Algeria, Egypt, parts of East Africa, Syria, and Turkiye, it is a commonly accepted, and often dominant, form of female dress. In other societies, such as Lebanon, parts of Central Africa, Malaysia, and Indonesia, it is more specifically worn by a significant segment of the population recognized for its religious commitment and piety. Baghdad's Provocative Resolution The Baghdad Provincial Council's recent vote on June 4, to officially sanction the Zaynabiyya Abaya as part of the formal dress code within the capital's state institutions was championed by Huda Jalil Al-Aboudah, who chairs the Environment Committee within the council and is affiliated with the politically influential Al-Hikma (Wisdom) Movement, led by Ammar al-Hakim. Al-Aboudah explicitly stated that the decision aims to "enhance respect, dignity, and modesty," particularly within examination halls. The announcement immediately triggered widespread confusion and, subsequently, a torrent of backlash. The initial public perception was that the Council was mandating the abaya for all women in official settings, including those who do not typically wear a headscarf (non-hijabis) or women belonging to other faiths. This misinterpretation, whether accidental or by design, ignited a fierce debate, forcing Al-Aboudah to issue a swift and defensive clarification. She categorically stated that the decision was not an imposition and did not apply to women who do not wear the hijab or individuals of other religious affiliations. Instead, she insisted it merely granted official recognition to the Zaynabiyya Abaya, thereby validating it as a formal dress option for women who choose to wear it, aligning it with their "identity and Islamic culture." Despite the clarification, Al-Aboudah's subsequent remarks only added fuel to the fire. She revealed her ambition to "submit a request to the Prime Minister, the Council of Ministers, and members of the House of Representatives to generalize the decision across all of Iraq, to preserve and protect the dignity of Iraqi women." This aspiration to expand a provincial decision nationwide further amplified concerns about the potential for future, more widespread impositions. Curiously, she also preemptively denied any electoral motivations, asserting she would not be participating in upcoming elections – a denial that, for many, only underscored the political nature of her initiative. It is crucial to emphasize that, unlike some other countries in the region, Iraq does not currently have a general, legally enforced hijab mandate. While wearing a headscarf or abaya is deeply ingrained in Iraqi culture and widely accepted, it remains, legally speaking, an individual choice. The Iraqi government does not impose it as a prerequisite for educational enrollment, employment, or participation in public life. This fundamental context makes the Council's decision, even with its subsequent clarifications, appear perplexing and, to some, an unnecessary intervention in personal freedoms. Legal Quagmire and the Chasm of Interpretation The legal validity and implications of the Baghdad Provincial Council's decision have exposed a significant schism among legal experts, reflecting broader ambiguities within Iraq's legal framework regarding religious and personal freedoms. Ali Al-Tamimi, a prominent legal expert, has voiced support for the decision from an administrative standpoint. He argues that the decision is "correct and without fault" because Islam is enshrined as the official religion of Iraq. From his perspective, the resolution aligns with the constitutional principle of freedom of dress, as it permits rather than mandates the wearing of the abaya during official duty. This, he asserts, implies that other women retain the freedom to wear different forms of attire. Al-Tamimi further bolsters his argument by referencing Article 11 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which generally allows individuals to choose their clothing, provided it does not violate public order (laws) or public morals (prevailing customs, values, and ideals). His interpretation leans on the idea that by formalizing an existing practice, the council is not restricting freedom but acknowledging a cultural and religious choice within a predominantly Muslim society. However, Mohammed Jumaa, another legal expert, offers a starkly contrasting view, dismissing the decision as "legally meaningless." Jumaa contends that there is no existing law that prescribes an official uniform for Baghdad province or any other Iraqi province. Furthermore, he emphasizes that there has never been any legal prohibition against wearing the abaya in any public or private sector setting across Iraq. He points out that numerous women already hold high-ranking governmental positions, such as deputy ministers or general directors, and perform their duties while wearing the Islamic abaya, which is undeniably "part of Iraqi culture." For Jumaa, the council's decision is redundant at best, potentially an overreach of authority, and serves no practical legal purpose, as the freedom to wear the abaya already existed without this decree. Political Maneuvering and Misplaced Priorities Beyond the legal debate, the timing and nature of the abaya decision have triggered deep skepticism among a significant segment of the Iraqi public, particularly students, activists, and those weary of political posturing. Athraa Hazem, a university student in Baghdad, who herself wears the abaya daily, attests that its wear is widely accepted on campus and that she has never faced harassment due to it. Yet, she observes that the sudden "timing of this decision and the surge of interest from officials coincide with elections, therefore it might carry a clear political agenda." This sentiment is echoed by Alia Al-Hathal, a prominent lawyer and activist, who states unequivocally that "there is no objection to the abaya decision," as it's already a common sight in markets, universities, and government offices. However, she asserts that "some are exploiting this decision due to the proximity of elections." Al-Hathal's critique extends beyond mere timing to question the fundamental priorities of the Baghdad Provincial Council, particularly the role of Al-Aboudah, the head of the Environment Committee. 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According to her, it was only after the fierce public backlash that Al-Aboudah "changed the concept," clarifying that it was merely about "not preventing" those who choose to wear the abaya. Al-Hathal dismisses this clarification as "unconvincing," given that no such prohibition ever existed in the first place, citing examples of abaya-wearing women freely attending universities and even appearing in graduation photos. Human Rights, Modesty, and Progress The most profound and unyielding opposition to the Baghdad Council's decision comes from human rights activists who view it as a fundamental assault on individual liberties and a dangerous regression for women's rights in Iraq. Lina Ali, a prominent activist, offers a scathing condemnation, asserting that the "abaya decision is oppressive and has no connection to human rights, especially for women." She goes as far as to state, "We have not seen such decisions even in the era of ignorance (Jahiliyyah)," drawing a provocative parallel to pre-Islamic tribal societies. Her critique stems from a belief that while societies evolve and human progress is constant, there persists a harmful tendency to view women as mere "commodities" whose attire can be controlled without legitimate justification, despite the absence of religious or customary compulsion. Ali contends that such decisions inherently create an "atmosphere of oppression and self-flagellation" for women, fostering an unhealthy and regressive environment. She fundamentally challenges the notion that this decision is about "modesty," arguing that true modesty "is not compulsory" and cannot be legislated through clothing. Instead, she passionately defines modesty as an inherent quality of character, encompassing the "modesty of the tongue, mind, logic, and morals." In a powerful concluding statement, Ali emphasizes the urgent need for Iraqi officials to shift their focus from superficial debates to the pressing realities confronting the nation. She implores them to instead "issue decisions that uplift the country's deteriorating reality and protect its wealth from theft," arguing that these are far more critical than "occupying the public with women's attire."


Shafaq News
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Shafaq News
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PM Al-Sudani, Iran's Pezeshkian hold call on regional stability
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