As Tesla stalls across Europe, sales rise in Norway
HighlightsTesla sales in Norway have rebounded, with the company regaining the title of leading car brand in May, accounting for 18.2 percent of new cars sold. Norway's electric vehicle market continues to thrive, with 93.9 percent of new car registrations in May being electric vehicles, while Tesla's sales increased by 8.3 percent in the first five months of the year. Despite Tesla's success in Norway, the company has faced significant challenges in the European Union, where sales fell by half in April, and its market share dropped to 1.1 percent due to increased competition and consumer backlash.
Tesla sales have rebounded in Norway this year, industry figures showed Monday, bucking a broader European trend as consumers turn away from Elon Musk's electric car brand.
Norwegians have flocked back to the US brand as it offered zero-interest loans and a new Model Y, the best-selling car in the country for three months running.
Norway is the country with the highest proportion of electric vehicles (EV), making up 93.9 percent of new car registrations in May, according to the
Norwegian Road Federation
(OFV).
EVs made up 92.7 percent of new car registrations in the first five months of the year.
Tesla regained the title of leading car brand in the Scandinavian country in May, tripling its sales and accounting for 18.2 percent of new cars sold.
For the first five months of the year, Tesla sales increased by 8.3 percent -- lower than the overall new car market which grew by 30.6 percent.
Over that period, Tesla had a market share of 12.9 percent, second to German auto giant Volkswagen.
Tesla sales fell by half in the European Union in April, according to the European Automobile Manufacturers' Association (ACEA).
The company's EU market share dropped to 1.1 percent amid growing competition from Chinese rivals and consumers protesting Musk's politics and ties to US President Donald Trump.
"Looking at
Tesla sales in Norway
in May and for the year so far, we stand out from the rest of Europe, where sales of this brand have seen a noticeable decline," OFV director Oyvind Solberg Thorsen said in a statement.
Jonathan Parr, an analyst at used-car dealer Rebil, told broadcaster TV2 that "ultimately, it's the price that Norwegian motorists care about most."
"Norwegians don't like Musk but feel no shame owning a Tesla," Parr explained.
In recent months, Norwegian media have nonetheless reported several stories of Tesla owners deciding to part ways with their cars or refrain from buying another Tesla.
Norway, the largest oil producer in Western Europe, has adopted a goal that this year all new cars should be zero-emission vehicles.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Business Standard
29 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Union Commerce Minister to Lead Indian Business Delegation at India-Italy Growth Forum
Union Minister of Commerce and Industry, Piyush Goyal is on his official visit to Italy. The two-day visit is scheduled for June 4-5, 2025, following the conclusion of his engagements in France focused on advancing India-France economic cooperation. The Italy leg of the visit reaffirms India's commitment to enhancing strategic and economic ties with key European partners and deepening bilateral trade and investment collaboration with Italy. During the visit, the Minister will co-chair the 22nd Session of the India-Italy Joint Commission for Economic Cooperation (JCEC) with H.E. Antonio Tajani, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Italy. This engagement takes place in the context of a defining phase in India-Italy bilateral relations, following the launch of the India-Italy Joint Strategic Action Plan (JSAP) 2025-2029. The JSAP is built on ten thematic pillars, with economic cooperation as a core area of focus. The 22nd JCEC session will offer both sides an opportunity to assess progress and identify new avenues for collaboration in high-impact areas such as Industry 4.0, agritech, digitalization, energy transition, sustainable mobility, and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). These deliberations are expected to further strengthen bilateral economic connectivity and foster strategic industrial partnerships. Goyal will also lead a high-level Indian business delegation to the India-Italy Growth Forum in Brescia, a major industrial hub. The Forum will bring together key enterprises and stakeholders from both countries to promote investment, build business-to-business linkages, and explore synergies in sectors aligned with innovation and sustainability.
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
37 minutes ago
- First Post
How the West lost Turkey and India is paying the price
As Turkey and Ankara try to cobble together a pan-Islamic bloc rooted in grievance and revanchism, India must do more to support the Saudi–UAE axis in West Asia and reinforce its alignment with moderate Muslim powers like Indonesia read more I visited Turkey some years ago as part of a delegation from the Royal College of Defence Studies, London. Recep Tayyip Erdogan was the Prime Minister, and the Kemalist character of Turkey—defined by Atatürk's vision of secularism, European integration, and military guardianship—was visibly present. We were briefed by officials at the Turkish Foreign Ministry and the EU representative office in Ankara. It was evident that Kemal Pasha's dream of a European Turkey was floundering. The EU wanted Turkey's strategic location and large military-industrial base but balked at fully integrating a Muslim-majority nation. The conditions placed upon Turkey for EU accession were politically awkward and perceived as patronising. The result was a wounded national pride—and the beginning of a long geopolitical drift. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD That drift now affects us in India directly. Turkey under Erdogan has recast itself from a secular republic aspiring to European norms, to a confident, assertive, and increasingly power-seeking leadership role in the Islamic world. Operation Sindoor made this real for India: as Pakistan reeled, Turkey stood firmly by its side—diplomatically, rhetorically, and strategically; hoping to gain from it. From Europe's Rejection to Erdogan's Reimagining When Europe effectively closed the door on Turkish accession, it handed Erdogan the perfect opportunity to remake the country's identity. With the secular military sidelined and public opinion more receptive to Islamic nationalism, Erdogan recast Turkey's foreign policy through the prism of Muslim solidarity and civilisational assertion. The Arab Spring, Syria, Palestine, and Kashmir became not just foreign policy issues but ideological battlegrounds. Turkey's alignment with Pakistan deepened during this phase. Though their diplomatic ties date back to the early years of both republics, the modern warmth is more strategic. Pakistan gained a powerful ally that regularly supports it in international forums like the UN and OIC. For Erdogan, Pakistan offered both a military partner and a religiously resonant cause—particularly the issue of Kashmir, which plays well with Turkish domestic audiences and the broader Muslim world. General Pervez Musharraf was instrumental in bringing transformational effect to Pakistan-Turkey relations because of his lifelong obsessive fondness for everything Turkish going back to his young days when his father was posted to Ankara. Sectarian alignment between the two also plays a role, albeit not a deep one. Both countries are Sunni-majority and largely follow the Hanafi school of jurisprudence. This common ground provides a religious-cultural comfort level, even though Turkey's religious landscape is shaped more by Sufi traditions and state control, while Pakistan's is influenced by powerful clerical networks and sectarian actors. Their real bond, however, is not theological but political - both governments use Islamic identity for global positioning and to challenge India's rise as a pluralist, secular democracy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Why India Failed to Influence Turkey India, despite its global rise, has failed to gain strategic traction with Turkey. One reason is the mismatch in worldviews. Erdogan sees himself as a leader of the Islamic world; India, with its strong ties to Israel and growing alignment with the West, is viewed as part of an opposing camp. Second, Indian diplomacy has been marginally reticent in engaging Turkey's domestic political landscape. While India has cultivated strong ties in the Gulf and Southeast Asia, it has remained reactive and restrained when it comes to Turkey. Third, India's burgeoning ties with Turkey's rivals—Greece, Armenia, and Israel—though grounded in mutual interest, have confirmed Ankara's perception of India as strategically adversarial. This despite India's proactive action of launching Operation Dost as a humanitarian and disaster relief operation after the devastating earthquake hit Southern Turkey in Feb 2023. India's support was almost the first to reach Turkey. Economically, the India-Turkey relationship lacks sufficient weight to act as a lever. Trade is modest too. This limits India's ability to shape Ankara's choices through economic means. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD What's at Stake for India? The implications of Turkey's hostility go beyond diplomatic sparring. Turkey's backing gives Pakistan added legitimacy in global forums and bolsters its Islamic narrative. Ankara's support to Islamabad on Kashmir complicates India's diplomatic messaging in Africa, Central Asia, and Southeast Asia, where Turkey is investing heavily in soft power and religious outreach. More concretely, defence cooperation between Turkey and Pakistan is growing. Joint military exercises, arms deals, and drone collaborations are becoming more common. This has implications for South Asia's strategic balance and could introduce new military technologies into Pakistan's arsenal. The recent Ukrainian drone attack—Operation Spider Web—would have given Pakistan ideas on utilisation of drones in an imaginatively pro-active way against India. Turkey's religious diplomacy also poses a softer but insidious challenge. Through state-backed institutions and media, it is projecting itself as a leader of the global Muslim ummah. This can shape narratives that influence Indian Muslim communities indirectly, especially in an era where identity politics is increasingly global. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD What Must India do? India needs to develop a coherent Turkey strategy grounded in realism, not nostalgia about shared civilisational roots. India must respond clearly to Turkish provocations, whether on Kashmir or Pakistan. Silence has sometimes been mistaken for weakness. New Delhi should be willing to call out Ankara, including at multilateral forums. Deepen ties with Turkey's adversaries—Greece, Cyprus, Armenia, and Israel—not just diplomatically, but in defence, culture, and trade. A robust regional counterweight will force Turkey to reconsider its positioning. Invest in projecting India's narrative as a secular, multi-religious democracy. Partnering with moderate Muslim countries—like Indonesia, UAE, Egypt and now increasingly even Saudi Arabia—can help isolate Turkey's harder posturing. While current trade levels are modest, Turkey's dependence on tourism, select exports, and access to Asian markets gives India some room to explore economic influence, directly or via third parties. Turkey's turn under Erdogan is not temporary. It reflects a deeper shift in identity and ambition—one that rejects the rejection of the West and seeks frontline Islamic leadership, casting aside all 'Kemalian' thought. In aligning with Pakistan, Turkey is not just supporting a traditional ally—it is staking a claim in a multipolar Islamic world where India is seen as the 'other'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Fortunately, India is no longer a passive observer in West Asia or Southeast Asia. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, New Delhi has made significant and sustained inroads into the Middle East and beyond. The burgeoning strategic and economic partnerships with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Oman reflect a quiet but profound shift—one that positions India as a key partner in regional stability, infrastructure, and counter-radicalism. Simultaneously, India's enhanced ties with Indonesia—the world's largest Muslim-majority country and a democratic, pluralistic nation—serve as a counter-narrative to the Islamist posturing of the Turkey-Pakistan axis. These relationships are not merely transactional but represent a convergence of long-term visions. As Ankara and Islamabad try to cobble together a pan-Islamic bloc rooted in grievance and revanchism, India must do more to support the Saudi–UAE axis in West Asia and reinforce its alignment with moderate Muslim powers like Indonesia. By doing so, New Delhi can effectively dilute the ideological resonance of the Turkey–Pakistan combine and reaffirm its own civilisational model as a viable and inclusive alternative in the Islamic world. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The writer is a member of the National Disaster Management Authority. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
The Hindu
39 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Starbase city grows near Elon Musk's launch site and wilderness refuges
Elon Musk has a long way to go before colonising Mars, but the controversial billionaire already has his own city on a flat patch of Texas, where giant, experimental Starship rockets roar over the incongruous sight of dolphins, and some skeptical human neighbors. Starbase on the south Texas coast is HQ for the Starship project and something of a shrine to its South African-born founder, the world's richest man and until recently one of President Donald Trump's closest advisors. Musk's short Washington tenure spearheading the so-called Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, ended last week, with a vow to get back to his day job of running his business empire, including SpaceX, Tesla and Starlink. The departure came as investors grew increasingly nervous about the spillover from Musk's reputational damage after publicly allying himself to Trump and tearing through the U.S. government in search of spending cuts. Now he hopes to hunker down in Starbase near the Mexican border and get back to the matter of reaching Mars. The scene is a curious mix of futuristic high-tech and down-to-earth attractions for a city that was officially incorporated in May but remains very much a work-in-progress. Cars speed down the narrow Boca Chica Boulevard leading to Starbase, where an AFP film crew was not allowed to enter. A huge bust of Musk on the outskirts of the settlement was vandalized in April and now stands with the right cheek peeled off, covered by a giant plaster. A cluster of buildings rises near the launch site, including an imposing corporate tower that bears Musk's X logo and prefabricated houses painted black, white, and gray. For now, the city has only about 500 residents, some still living in trailers and some in the prefab homes, which have patios and outdoor grills. Looming over the landscape are two models of super heavy launchers and one Starship rocket. "I think it's pretty cool, making a whole entire city based around a launch site," said 21-year-old computer engineer Dominick Cardenas who was visiting the area for the unsuccessful test launch last week. "Maybe I'll move down here one day. Who knows? I'd love to go to Mars, who wouldn't?" But the space city is surrounded by nature and wildlife, especially birds. Activist Christopher Basaldu, who is a member of the Carrizo/Comecrudo Native American tribe and holds a PhD in sociocultural anthropology, called Musk a "colonizer." "The land here is sacred to the original inhabitants of the area. And SpaceX is polluting and desecrating this land," he told AFP. There are two federal wildlife refuges in the area where SpaceX operates: the Lower Rio Grande Valley and the Laguna Atascosa. There is also the Boca Chica Beach, where residents have been spending their summers for decades and which is now closed during test flights. "There isn't supposed to be exploding rockets next to pristine wetlands and habitat," Hinojosa said. In 2024, the Environmental Protection Agency fined SpaceX for unauthorised discharges of water from its deluge system into wetlands near its Starbase launch pad connected to the Rio Grande. Despite protests by Hinjosa and other groups, SpaceX received approval from the Federal Aviation Administration to increase the number of launches per year from five to 25. Hinojosa calls it "very much a David versus Goliath situation." "We are one of the poorest communities in the country... and we're dealing with the biggest bully on the planet, Elon Musk," she said. "Elon Musk has so much power that he's found a way around most of our lawsuits," she added. According to a document obtained by CNBC, Starbase City officials have notified the residents that they might "lose the right to continue using" their property as they currently do. A hearing is scheduled for the end of June to discuss the new zoning plan. SpaceX is also building the Rio West giant shopping mall and restaurant complex near Starbase, valued at $15 million, according to official filings. And environmental activists worry that the Rio Grande liquified natural gas plant being built in the neighboring city of Brownsville, which has the capacity to process methane, a gas that powers Starship, could become Musk's fueling station. SpaceX representatives, Starbase City Mayor Bobby Peden as well as Cameron County officials did not respond to AFP requests for comment for this story.
