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The Atlantic 's March Cover Story: Yoni Appelbaum's 'Stuck in Place,' on Why Americans Stopped Moving Houses—And Why That's a Very Big Problem

The Atlantic 's March Cover Story: Yoni Appelbaum's 'Stuck in Place,' on Why Americans Stopped Moving Houses—And Why That's a Very Big Problem

Yahoo10-02-2025

The idea that people should be able to choose their own communities––instead of being stuck where they are born––is a distinctly American innovation, and in many ways the foundation for the country's prosperity and democracy. But now, as deputy executive editor Yoni Appelbaum writes in The Atlantic's March cover story, Americans are much less apt to switch houses or neighborhoods or cities than they used to be, and are 'Stuck in Place.' This sharp decline in geographic mobility, he argues, is the single most important social change of the past half century. Appelbaum also explains why progressives are the ones standing in the way of reviving American mobility and restoring the American dream. Appelbaum's cover story is adapted from his forthcoming book, Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of American Opportunity (publishing February 18). Appelbaum writes, 'Entrepreneurship, innovation, growth, social equality—the most appealing features of the young republic all traced back to this single, foundational fact: Americans were always looking ahead to their next beginning, always seeking to move up by moving on. But over the past 50 years, this engine of American opportunity has stopped working. Americans have become less likely to move from one state to another, or to move within a state, or even to switch residences within a city. In the 1960s, about one out of every five Americans moved in any given year—down from one in three in the 19th century, but a frenetic rate nonetheless. In 2023, however, only one in 13 Americans moved.' Appelbaum continues, 'Today, America is often described as suffering from a housing crisis, but that's not quite right. In many parts of the country, housing is cheap and abundant, but good jobs and good schools are scarce. Other areas are rich in opportunities but short on affordable homes. That holds true even within individual cities, neighborhood by neighborhood. As a result, many Americans are stranded in communities with flat or declining prospects, and lack the practical ability to move across the tracks, the state, or the country—to choose where they want to live. Those who do move are typically heading not to the places where opportunities are abundant, but to those where housing is cheap. Only the affluent and well educated are exempt from this situation; the freedom to choose one's city or community has become a privilege of class.' His cover story argues that reviving mobility offers the best hope of restoring the American promise. But it is largely self-described progressives who stand in the way. Appelbaum writes that we should 'blame Jane Jacobs,' whose writings and activism in her West Village neighborhood in New York played a pivotal role in shifting American attitudes toward the preservation of buildings and neighborhoods, and away from growth: 'American mobility has been slowly strangled by generations of reformers, seeking to reassert control over their neighborhoods and their neighbors.' Appelbaum concludes that 'whatever its theoretical aspirations, in practice, progressivism has produced a potent strain of NIMBYism, a defense of communities in their current form against those who might wish to join them. Mobility is what made this country prosperous and pluralistic, diverse and dynamic. Now progressives are destroying the very force that produced the values they claim to cherish.' Appelbaum concludes that any serious effort to restore mobility should follow three simple principles: consistency (rules that apply uniformly across a city will tend to produce neighborhoods with diverse populations and uses); tolerance (organic growth is messy and unpredictable, but the places that thrive over the long term are those that empower people to make their own decisions, and to build and adapt structures to suit their needs); and abundance (the best way to solve a supply crunch is to add supply and in places that are attractive and growing, so that housing becomes a springboard). Yoni Appelbaum's '' was published today at TheAtlantic.com. Please reach out with any questions or requests to interview Appelbaum on his reporting. Press Contacts: Anna Bross and Paul Jackson | The Atlantic press@theatlantic.com
Article originally published at The Atlantic

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See photos: The last large-scale military parade in Washington DC in 1991
See photos: The last large-scale military parade in Washington DC in 1991

USA Today

time30 minutes ago

  • USA Today

See photos: The last large-scale military parade in Washington DC in 1991

See photos: The last large-scale military parade in Washington DC in 1991 Show Caption Hide Caption Armored tanks arrive in DC for Trump's military birthday parade As Washington, D.C. prepares for the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Army, armored tanks have begun to arrive ahead of Saturday's celebration. Thousands of soldiers, military equipment, musical performances and more are set for this weekend in Washington D.C. for the U.S. Army's 250th anniversary celebration. Happening along the National Mall on Saturday, June 14, the event is also falling on the same day as President Donald Trump's 79th birthday, but the administration has insisted that the Army's anniversary and Trump's birthday are a coincidence and that the parade is justified to honor soldiers' sacrifice. Army parachutists jumping from aircraft are set to land and give Trump an American flag for his birthday, Pentagon officials said, according to Axios. A rare sight in Washington D.C., the last major military parade was held in 1991 to celebrate the end of the first Gulf War. Before 1991, large-scale military parades were held following the American victory in World War I and World War II. According to the National Park Service, "debates over military policy" that occurred during the Korean and Vietnam wars forced parades to be more "subdued." Photos: The last large military parade in Washington DC Contributing: Kathryn Palmer and staff, USA TODAY Fernando Cervantes Jr. is a trending news reporter for USA TODAY. Reach him at and follow him on X @fern_cerv_.

The Trump Administration Needs Better Opposition
The Trump Administration Needs Better Opposition

Yahoo

time36 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

The Trump Administration Needs Better Opposition

Donald Trump needs better enemies. More accurately, the American people need the president and his allies to have a higher quality opposition. In office, President Trump has embraced some truly terrible—and occasionally dangerous—policies, including federalizing National Guard troops and mobilizing U.S. Marines to deal with riots that really should be left to California officials to handle or fumble as their abilities allow. But his opponents insist on embracing lunacy and ineffectiveness and making the president look reasonable by comparison, effectively giving his actions a pass. "Donald Trump, without consulting with California's law enforcement leaders, commandeered 2,000 of our state's National Guard members to deploy on our streets. Illegally, and for no reason," complained Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom after the president turned local rioting into a federal issue. Newsom expanded on his objections in a glitch-filled speech that focused more on Trump than the riots. It played into the reputation for incompetence he's gained over years of ignoring his state's problems, including all of the missteps that led to the recent wildfires in and around Los Angeles. Those fires didn't exactly cover Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass in glory either, and neither has her response to the chaos. She's alternated between supporting demonstrators protesting the federal immigration raids that sparked the riots and vowing crackdowns on violence. One minute she touts her work with "community organizations, legal advocates, and local leaders to ensure that every resident knows their rights" and the next she reminds Angelenos that downtown is under curfew. That's unfortunate, because the feckless California officials raise legitimate concerns about the president's actions. There are good reasons to object to a president responding to local events with federal troops. "Preemptive nationwide deployment of the military is the very opposite of using the military as a 'last resort,'" warns Elizabeth Goitein of the Brennan Center's Liberty and National Security Program. "It is so wildly out of keeping with how the Insurrection Act and 10 U.S.C. § 12406 have been interpreted and applied that it should be entitled to no deference by the courts." The law that President Trump relied on—10 U.S.C. § 12406—allows the president to "call into Federal service members and units of the National Guard of any State" to repel invasions, suppress rebellions, or enforce the law when regular forces are insufficient. Invoking that law over local disorder before state and local officials have had much of a chance to do anything is a stretch of the law's intent as well as a slap at federalism. The law says nothing authorizing the use of regular military forces, leaving the impression that the Marines Trump dispatched are just hitching a ride on his presidential memorandum to bypass the Posse Comitatus Act's restrictions on the domestic use of the military. Which means that Newsom and Bass had a great opportunity to show their chops and object to federal interference—if they were up to the demands of that role. They're not. Worse, though, are the rioters themselves. As Matthew Ormseth and James Queally described the scene for Los Angeles Times readers, "some in the crowd lobbed bottles and fireworks at the LAPD," "vandals set fire to a row of Waymos," and "people wearing masks flung chunks of concrete—and even a few electric scooters—at" California Highway Patrol officers. That speaks for itself—but not as loudly as the idiots throwing Molotov cocktails at police. Rioting understandably became the dominant news story, overshadowing the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids that originally set off protests before they turned violent. Smarter protesters would have kept demonstrations peaceful and attention focused on arrests that we were told would target violent criminals but too often ensnare harmless people. "Federal immigration officials appeared to target day laborers in raids Monday at a Home Deport in Santa Ana," the Los Angeles NBC affiliate reported this week. Traditional gathering places for immigrants seeking work—and not so many vicious gangbangers—have been targeted across the country. "Stephen Miller, a top White House aide and architect of the president's immigration agenda, asked ICE officials to step up the pace of immigrant deportations, including in Home Depot parking lots and at 7-Eleven Stores," according to The Wall Street Journal. ICE has also gone after immigrants navigating the bureaucratic path to legal immigration and even citizens who were wrongly detained. Those outrages were pushed into the background when rioting inevitably grabbed the headlines. Not that Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson gives a damn about keeping the message straight. As violent protests spread across the country, he urged his constituents to "rise up" and "resist." Apparently, he doesn't want to miss out on the excitement of watching parts of his city burn. Not everybody is impressed by this version of opposition to the Trump administration. "I unapologetically stand for free speech, peaceful demonstrations, and immigration—but this is not that," Sen. John Fetterman (D–Penn.) warned this week. "This is anarchy and true chaos. My party loses the moral high ground when we refuse to condemn setting cars on fire, destroying buildings, and assaulting law enforcement." Fetterman has, somewhat surprisingly, emerged as a voice of sanity for his party. He's called Democrats to account over the antisemitism of the party's progressive wing and now for confusing tantrums in the street with effective opposition. A few more Democrats like him would go a long way towards rescuing the party from its self-inflicted wounds and giving the U.S. a functioning political opposition. The country could really use a functioning opposition. The Trump administration's turn towards economic nationalism, unilateral power, authoritarianism, and xenophobia cry out for criticism and alternative solutions. That criticism should be peaceful and those alternatives should be sensibly presented. Ideally, they should also advance liberty and limit government. For the moment, though, that may be too much to ask of Democrats. Many of them are still wrestling with the temptations of appearing to be either inept or dangerous lunatics. The post The Trump Administration Needs Better Opposition appeared first on

Human rights expert: FIFA's Infantino and Trump made for each other
Human rights expert: FIFA's Infantino and Trump made for each other

Yahoo

time36 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Human rights expert: FIFA's Infantino and Trump made for each other

German human rights expert Sylvia Schenk has criticised the Gianni Infantino's leadership of the ruling body FIFA and named his closeness to United States President Donald Trump a matter of power-political calculation. "Infantino behaves like a sun king at FIFA. And nobody does anything against it. You can only watch it with amazement," Schenk told the t-online portal in an interview published on the eve of Saturday's start of the FIFA Club World Cup in the US. Schenk is a former member of FIFA's human rights advisory body and chairs Transparency International's working group on sports. She said that Infantino and Trump were made for each other concerning their claims to power. ""These are two men who always push themselves to the fore. To describe them as extroverted is an understatement," she said. Schenk said that Trump is using the month-long Club World Cup starting on Saturday and next year's World Cup, which the US hosts together with Canada and Mexico, for his own interests. "Trump knows how to utilise sport for populist purposes. That helps him in certain voter and demographic groups. As his poll ratings are currently plummeting, he perhaps needs this even more urgently," she said. Schenk said that Trump exaggerates FIFA and "flatters Infantino's ego." Infantino was an invited guest at Trump's inauguration and last month accompanied him on a trip to the Middle East, which controversially made him arrive late for the FIFA Congress in Paraguay. Schenk said that Infantino leads FIFA in a way not even his predecessor Joseph Blatter would have done but said that "he only gets this power because everyone is giving it to him and nobody is opposing it." Schenk also said that Infantino's closeness with Trump would not change the political situation in the US, such as Human Rights Watch calling on Infantino to put pressure on Trump. "So far it has been the other way around: the US has been instrumentalised to put pressure on football and Infantino to change things in other countries," Schenk said. "But I'm of the opinion: please sort things out in your own country first and don't ask FIFA to change the American president now, nobody else can do that either."

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