
Young filmmakers celebrate a radical yet joyful approach to life with ‘Hummingbirds'
Silvia Del Carmen Castaños was a student in a Laredo, Texas, high school when the budding cineaste submitted a short piece to a community film festival. 'I wasn't allowed to go because I had bad grades at school,' says Castaños, who uses they/them pronouns. However, New York-based documentarian Jillian Schlesinger did attend and saw the film. 'It got third place, but it got first place in Jillian's heart,' Castaños adds.
Schlesinger, along with partner Miguel Drake-McLaughlin, had been working with student filmmakers in a local magnet arts program, with hopes of finding young visionaries to support in a collaborative production. She was 'totally blown away by the voice and creativity and craft' of Castaños' work, Schlesinger says, and quickly got in touch with her via Facebook Messenger. 'My mom was like, 'You better not go meet this random lady,'' says Castaños, who went anyway. 'I still have my kidneys and, in fact, we made a beautiful film.'
That film is 'Hummingbirds,' a lyrical, nonfiction portrait of best friends — Castaños, who was then 18, and Estefanía 'Beba' Contreras, then 21 — and their dreams, anxieties and misadventures as captured in 2019, months before the pandemic reordered the world. The artists and activists, Mexican immigrants in a border town on the Rio Grande, tilt at policies targeting not only their families and neighbors but their bodies — amid sequences of chaotic abandon and stargazing reverie. Broadcast on the PBS 'POV' showcase, 'Hummingbirds' won a grand jury prize at the 2023 Berlinale and also was nominated for an Independent Spirit Award.
'We always knew we were going to be stars,' jokes Contreras, a gifted musician who directed the film with Castaños. The pair joined Schlesinger and Drake-McLaughlin — who formed a supporting production team of four co-directors with Ana Rodriguez-Falcó and Diane Ng — on a recent Zoom chat. 'It didn't feel like there was a lot of pressure to do something super extraordinary. It felt like we were doing a little school project with Silvia, and at the end, the credits [would be] all of our names, over and over and over and over,' Contreras says.
While the film's celebration of feminist bonding and subversive antics shares an energy with movies like 'Ghost World' and the Czech classic 'Daisies,' the filmmakers credit Sean Baker as an inspiration. ''The Florida Project' is the rave,' says Castaños. Another more direct influence was the 2016 Polish film 'All These Sleepless Nights,' a so-called docufiction about a friendship between two young men on the Warsaw party scene.
'We didn't watch that many documentaries,' Schlesinger says, 'but we did steal a lot of production process stuff.' Besides stocking long-lasting camera batteries, the filmmakers sought ways to enhance the intimacy of each shoot. 'Not everyone who was behind the camera was also in front of the camera, but everyone who was in front of the camera was also behind the camera, if that makes sense.'
Much of the film's easy, spontaneous flow arises naturally from the charismatic personalities of its subjects, already seasoned as storytellers of their own lives from an early age. 'Snapchat was the whole thing,' Castaños says. 'Social media really ruled the world when we were younger.' The filmmakers' instincts liberate the project from the canned, reality-television vibe that often compromises coming-of-age documentaries.
'We tried really hard to come up with something like fiction, but at the end of the day … it just started to become really important that we show just our normal, regular lives of being, and being silly, and what we were going through,' Contreras says. 'And there was no need for us to add anything extra.'
Although shot nearly six years ago, in what now feels like another era, the political and social issues that underscore the story with such tension are even more present today. The movie is too relevant to be consigned to a time capsule. 'You don't really see it happen, but Beba and I went through a lot,' Castaños says. 'We had to board up windows and ICE raids were going on in every neighborhood, and it felt really scary. Having to teach your younger siblings not to trust figures of authority. That's very intense. Obviously, it's happening again right now. The issue is it's always happening, but it gets worse.'
They cite the book 'Joyful Militancy: Building Thriving Resistance in Toxic Times,' by Carla Bergman and Nick Montgomery, as a useful touchstone. 'I talk a lot about how joy is rarely comfortable — but there is something radical about creating community and being joyful,' Castaños says. 'We're going to fly our kites. We're going to try and live our lives despite that fear. And I think that is very radical, right?'
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San Francisco Chronicle
12 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Election of Mexico's first Indigenous Supreme Court justice in 170 years raises hope and skepticism
MEXICO CITY (AP) — In his campaign for Mexico's Supreme Court, Hugo Aguilar sent a simple message: He would be the one to finally give Indigenous Mexicans a voice at one of the highest levels of government. 'It's our turn as Indigenous people ... to make decisions in this country,' he said in the lead up to Sunday's first judicial elections in Mexican history. Now, the 52-year-old Aguilar, a lawyer from the Mixtec people in Mexico's southern Oaxaca state, will be the first Indigenous Supreme Court justice in nearly 170 years in the Latin American nation, according to Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum. He could lead the high court. The last Indigenous justice to do so was Mexican hero and former President Benito Juárez, who ran the court from 1857 to 1858. For some, Aguilar has become a symbol of hope for 23 million Indigenous people long on the forgotten fringes of Mexican society. But others fiercely criticize his past, and worry that instead of representing them, he will instead stand with the ruling party, Morena, that ushered him onto the court. Top vote getter in controversial contest Supporters cite Aguilar's long history of working on Indigenous rights, while critics say that more recently he's helped push the governing party's agenda, including former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's massive infrastructure projects, at the expense of Indigenous communities. Aguilar's team said he would not comment until after official results were confirmed. 'He's not an Indigenous candidate,' said Francisco López Bárcenas, a distinguished Mixtec lawyer from the same region as Aguilar who once worked with him decades ago. He applauded the election of an Indigenous justice, but said 'He's an Indigenous man who became a candidate.' Aguilar was elected in Mexico's first judicial election, a process that's been criticized as weakening Mexico's system of checks and balances. López Obrador and his party overhauled the judicial system the populist leader was long at odds with. Instead of appointing judges through experience, voters elected judges to 2,600 federal, state and local positions. But the vote was marked by a very low voter turnout, about 13%. López Obrador and his successor and protege President Claudia Sheinbaum claimed the election would cut corruption in the courts. Judges, watchdogs and political opposition called it a blatant attempt to use the party's political popularity to stack courts in their favor, and gain control of all three branches of Mexico's government. While votes are still being counted in many races, the tally of results for nine Supreme Court justices came in first. The vast majority of the justices hold strong ties to the ruling party, handing Morena potential control over the high court. Aguilar's name was among those that appeared on pamphlets suggesting which candidates to vote for, which electoral authorities are investigating. A focus on Indigenous rights Aguilar scooped up more than 6 million votes, more than any other candidate, including three who currently serve on the Supreme Court. The victory opened the possibility of Aguilar not just serving on the court, but leading it. Critics attributed his win to Mexico's highly popular president repeatedly saying she wanted an Indigenous judge on the Supreme Court in the lead up to the election. On Wednesday she said she was thrilled he was on the court. 'He is a very good lawyer,' she said. 'I have the privilege of knowing his work not just on Indigenous issues, but in general. He has wide knowledge and is a modest and simple man.' The Supreme Court has handed down decisions that, for example, establish the right of Indigenous people to be assisted by interpreters who speak their native language and defense attorneys in any legal process. But there remain significant outstanding issues like territorial disputes in cases of mega-projects. Aguilar began his career in Oaxaca's capital, working for SERmixe, an organization advocating for Indigenous rights as a law student in his mid-20s. Sofía Robles, a member of the organization remembers young Aguilar being passionate, choosing to be a lawyer to advocate for Indigenous communities often living in poverty and out of reach of the law. 'He had this conviction, and there were many things he wouldn't conform with,' 63-year-old Robles said. 'From the very beginning, he knew where he came from.' Despite coming from a humble working-class family, he would work for the organization for free after his law classes. He later worked there as a lawyer on agrarian issues for 13 years. After the Zapatista uprising in 1994, a guerrilla movement fighting for Indigenous rights in southern Mexico, Aguilar worked to carry out constitutional reforms recognizing the basic rights of Mexico's Indigenous people. Robles said she believes he will bring that fight she saw in him to the Supreme Court. 'He gives us hope,' she said. 'Aguilar is going to be an example for future generations.' Ties to governing party But others like Romel González Díaz, a member of the Xpujil Indigenous Council in a Mayan community in southern Mexico, cast doubt on if Aguilar would truly act as a voice for their community. Aguilar's work came under fire when he joined the government's National Institute of Indigenous Peoples at the beginning of López Obrador's administration in 2018. It was then that he began to work on a mega-project known as the Maya Train fiercely criticized by environmentalists, Indigenous communities and even the United Nations. The train, which runs in a rough loop around the Yucatan peninsula, has deforested large swathes of jungle and irreversibly damaged an ancient cave system sacred to Indigenous populations there. Aguilar was tasked with investigating the potential impacts of the train, hearing the concerns of local Indigenous communities and informing them of the consequences. That was when González Díaz met Aguilar, who arrived with a handful of government officials, who sat down for just a few hours with his small community in Xpujil, and provided sparse details about the negative parts of the project. González Díaz's organization was among many to take legal action against the government in an attempt to block train construction for not properly studying the project's impacts. The environmental destruction left in the project's wake is something that continues to fuel his distrust for Aguilar. 'The concern with Hugo is: Who is he going to represent?' González Díaz said. 'Is he going to represent the (Morena) party or is he going to represent the Indigenous people?'


The Hill
23 minutes ago
- The Hill
Election of Mexico's first Indigenous Supreme Court justice in 170 years raises hope and skepticism
MEXICO CITY (AP) — In his campaign for Mexico's Supreme Court, Hugo Aguilar sent a simple message: He would be the one to finally give Indigenous Mexicans a voice at one of the highest levels of government. 'It's our turn as Indigenous people … to make decisions in this country,' he said in the lead up to Sunday's first judicial elections in Mexican history. Now, the 52-year-old Aguilar, a lawyer from the Mixtec people in Mexico's southern Oaxaca state, will be the first Indigenous Supreme Court justice in nearly 170 years in the Latin American nation, according to Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum. He could lead the high court. The last Indigenous justice to do so was Mexican hero and former President Benito Juárez, who ran the court from 1857 to 1858. For some, Aguilar has become a symbol of hope for 23 million Indigenous people long on the forgotten fringes of Mexican society. But others fiercely criticize his past, and worry that instead of representing them, he will instead stand with the ruling party, Morena, that ushered him onto the court. Supporters cite Aguilar's long history of working on Indigenous rights, while critics say that more recently he's helped push the governing party's agenda, including former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's massive infrastructure projects, at the expense of Indigenous communities. Aguilar's team said he would not comment until after official results were confirmed. 'He's not an Indigenous candidate,' said Francisco López Bárcenas, a distinguished Mixtec lawyer from the same region as Aguilar who once worked with him decades ago. He applauded the election of an Indigenous justice, but said 'He's an Indigenous man who became a candidate.' Aguilar was elected in Mexico's first judicial election, a process that's been criticized as weakening Mexico's system of checks and balances. López Obrador and his party overhauled the judicial system the populist leader was long at odds with. Instead of appointing judges through experience, voters elected judges to 2,600 federal, state and local positions. But the vote was marked by a very low voter turnout, about 13%. López Obrador and his successor and protege President Claudia Sheinbaum claimed the election would cut corruption in the courts. Judges, watchdogs and political opposition called it a blatant attempt to use the party's political popularity to stack courts in their favor, and gain control of all three branches of Mexico's government. While votes are still being counted in many races, the tally of results for nine Supreme Court justices came in first. The vast majority of the justices hold strong ties to the ruling party, handing Morena potential control over the high court. Aguilar's name was among those that appeared on pamphlets suggesting which candidates to vote for, which electoral authorities are investigating. Aguilar scooped up more than 6 million votes, more than any other candidate, including three who currently serve on the Supreme Court. The victory opened the possibility of Aguilar not just serving on the court, but leading it. Critics attributed his win to Mexico's highly popular president repeatedly saying she wanted an Indigenous judge on the Supreme Court in the lead up to the election. On Wednesday she said she was thrilled he was on the court. 'He is a very good lawyer,' she said. 'I have the privilege of knowing his work not just on Indigenous issues, but in general. He has wide knowledge and is a modest and simple man.' The Supreme Court has handed down decisions that, for example, establish the right of Indigenous people to be assisted by interpreters who speak their native language and defense attorneys in any legal process. But there remain significant outstanding issues like territorial disputes in cases of mega-projects. Aguilar began his career in Oaxaca's capital, working for SERmixe, an organization advocating for Indigenous rights as a law student in his mid-20s. Sofía Robles, a member of the organization remembers young Aguilar being passionate, choosing to be a lawyer to advocate for Indigenous communities often living in poverty and out of reach of the law. 'He had this conviction, and there were many things he wouldn't conform with,' 63-year-old Robles said. 'From the very beginning, he knew where he came from.' Despite coming from a humble working-class family, he would work for the organization for free after his law classes. He later worked there as a lawyer on agrarian issues for 13 years. After the Zapatista uprising in 1994, a guerrilla movement fighting for Indigenous rights in southern Mexico, Aguilar worked to carry out constitutional reforms recognizing the basic rights of Mexico's Indigenous people. Robles said she believes he will bring that fight she saw in him to the Supreme Court. 'He gives us hope,' she said. 'Aguilar is going to be an example for future generations.' But others like Romel González Díaz, a member of the Xpujil Indigenous Council in a Mayan community in southern Mexico, cast doubt on if Aguilar would truly act as a voice for their community. Aguilar's work came under fire when he joined the government's National Institute of Indigenous Peoples at the beginning of López Obrador's administration in 2018. It was then that he began to work on a mega-project known as the Maya Train fiercely criticized by environmentalists, Indigenous communities and even the United Nations. The train, which runs in a rough loop around the Yucatan peninsula, has deforested large swathes of jungle and irreversibly damaged an ancient cave system sacred to Indigenous populations there. Aguilar was tasked with investigating the potential impacts of the train, hearing the concerns of local Indigenous communities and informing them of the consequences. That was when González Díaz met Aguilar, who arrived with a handful of government officials, who sat down for just a few hours with his small community in Xpujil, and provided sparse details about the negative parts of the project. González Díaz's organization was among many to take legal action against the government in an attempt to block train construction for not properly studying the project's impacts. The environmental destruction left in the project's wake is something that continues to fuel his distrust for Aguilar. 'The concern with Hugo is: Who is he going to represent?' González Díaz said. 'Is he going to represent the (Morena) party or is he going to represent the Indigenous people?'
Yahoo
34 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Accountancy firm sponsors Carlisle rock band's tour of Ukraine
An accountancy firm is backing a Carlisle rock band band as they embark on a tour of the Czech Republic and Ukraine. Armstrong Watson is sponsoring Hardwicke Circus, who are based in Carlisle, as they embark on the international tour, which will include a series of performances and community workshops across the war-torn country. Paul Dickson, CEO and managing partner of Armstrong Watson, said: "We believe access to arts and culture can have a huge positive impact on communities. (L to R) Stephen McCullough, Armstrong Watson partner; Jonny Foster, band leader of Carlisle-based Hardwicke Circus; and Paul Dickson, Armstrong Watson CEO (Image: Armstrong Watson) "Supporting Hardwicke Circus on this extraordinary tour is not just about backing local talent, it's about amplifying voices that bring hope, resilience and unity through music. "We are incredibly proud to help make this tour possible and to see a band from Carlisle take such a courageous and inspiring step on the international stage to raise funds for Mission Ukraine." The 2,500-mile journey is set to begin in the Czech Republic on Sunday, June 8, the day after the band is scheduled to open the show at Carlisle Weekender at Brunton Park. The band will tour alongside Ukrainian group OKAZIA, with whom they will play several dates in the Czech Republic before crossing into Ukraine. Their route will take them from Lviv eastwards through Ternopil, Vinnytsia, Dnipro and Kharkiv, with plans to perform at a military base before concluding in Kyiv, and returning to the UK. All proceeds from the Ukrainian shows will go to Mission Ukraine, a charity delivering aid to war-affected regions. The band will also be runing youth music workshops. Jonny Foster, lead vocalist and band leader of Hardwicke Circus, outside the Amstrong Watson office (Image: Armstrong Watson) Jonny Foster, lead vocalist and band leader of Hardwicke Circus, said: "Music has always been about more than just entertainment, it's about connection, courage and community. "This tour is our way of standing with the people of Ukraine, sharing our songs and showing that Carlisle's voice can carry across borders in solidarity. "We're honoured to be part of something bigger and we're grateful to Armstrong Watson for believing in the power of music to make a difference." With the conflict ongoing, as peace talks between Russia and Ukraine fail to progress, the band is aware of the risks involved. Tom Foster, the band's drummer, and Jonny's brother, said: "Danger is one side of it, but I think the importance and significance of what we're aiming to do outweighs the personal danger. "We were presented with the opportunity, and we weren't going to say no." The band's collaboration with OKAZIA facilitated connections with the Ukrainian concert venues. According to a spokesperson for the band, this "underscores the unifying power of music in times of adversity and highlights the role of the arts in fostering cross-cultural solidarity and humanitarian support." Hardwicke Circus, known for their energetic performances and socially conscious lyrics, are no strangers to pushing boundaries. They previously completed a 15-date prison tour in 2021. During this latest tour, they will be working on a new live album titled Songs of Freedom.