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Whoopi Goldberg's claim that Iran and America are ‘the same' is offensive to Iranians suffering and dying — like my family

Whoopi Goldberg's claim that Iran and America are ‘the same' is offensive to Iranians suffering and dying — like my family

New York Post5 hours ago

On Wednesday's 'The View,' Whoopi Goldberg said Iran and America are 'the same.' In a heated exchange, Alyssa Farah Griffin disagreed, at one point saying, 'It's very different to live in the United States in 2025 than it is to live in Iran.' Whoopi retorted, 'Not if you're black!' Here, an Iranian who fled the country and lives in America responds.
There is absolutely no comparison between life in the United States and life under the Islamic Republic of Iran. The worst situation of any American citizen — regardless of race, gender or background — is still infinitely better than the daily fear, oppression and brutality people endure in Iran.
I lived there. I know the fear firsthand. I've seen it.
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In Iran, you're constantly watched. You can be arrested for a word, for a haircut, for listening to the wrong music, for refusing to conform.
They torture people. They execute dissidents. They even assassinate critics abroad.
So to hear someone on American TV, with total freedom of speech and legal protection, equate the United States with Iran is not only factually wrong — it's offensive to those who are truly suffering and dying in silence.
4 Whoopi Goldberg (left) sparred with Alyssa Farah Griffin (right) on Wednesday's episode of 'The View.'
ABC
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In America, you can protest, sue, criticize the president and still go home safely at night. In Iran, that same act could get you killed. So no — they are not the same. Not even close.
Daily life in Iran is a prison — just not always with visible bars.
Every detail of your life is controlled: what you wear, what you say, who you associate with, what music you listen to, what you post online.
You're constantly afraid. Your phone is tapped. You speak in whispers. You look over your shoulder. Every sentence can be used against you.
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Women are beaten and arrested for how they dress. Students are tortured for speaking out.
There is no due process, no transparency, no protection.
They can arrest you without reason, torture you without trial, and your family may never know where you are. They force televised confessions, and then they hang people — publicly.
4 The author, Majid Rafizadeh, speaks out about the Iranian regime — despite threats to him and his family.
Courtesy of Majid Rafizadeh
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I've had family members tortured, detained. Some never came back.
So again, this is not something people in America, even in the worst circumstances, can fully grasp. It's not struggle — it's terror.
Iranians would generally rather be in the United States a thousand times over, even on its worst day. An Iranian would dream of having the problems Americans complain about.
In the United States, you have the right to speak, to challenge authority, to protest, to live your life.
In Iran, you have no such rights. You're not even a person in the eyes of the regime. You're property. And if you step out of line, they break you — and your family.
Here in America, even if someone disagrees with you, you still have the freedom to speak, to work, to achieve. People of all races have become billionaires, senators, even president.
4 Massive crowds make their way to the 2022 funeral of Mahsa Amini, who was murdered by Iranian officials for the way she wore her hijab.
UGC/AFP via Getty Images
So when someone in the West claims to be a victim while having access to courts, media, education and full legal protections, it feels like drama. It feels manufactured. Because in Iran, you're not a victim — you're a hostage.
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Every single person in Iran knows someone who has been arrested, tortured or killed by the regime. It is not an exaggeration. It's reality. Political imprisonment is so widespread that it touches every family.
My own family has lived through this nightmare. They tortured my father. They monitored us. They interrogated relatives.
And these stories never make the news — because they don't allow journalists, they don't allow truth.
People disappear. Mothers never find their children. Executions happen without trials.
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It's not a government — it's a mafia that rules through fear, pain and violence. Everyone knows someone. Everyone lives in fear that he or she might be next.
4 Iranian dissidents are executed in public — sending a lesson to the rest of the suffering population.
AP
I left Iran because of the oppression, the fear and the constant threat to my life and to my family. We were being watched. My father was tortured. My relatives were interrogated.
And I knew that if I stayed, I could disappear like so many others.
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I still have family there — and they are constantly targeted. They are harassed, intimidated and punished, simply because I speak out. My elderly mother, who can barely walk, has been threatened.
They want to instill fear — to silence me. Most likely, they do it to stop me from writing and exposing the regime. And yes, I carry guilt every day because of that. I feel responsible for the pain they endure.
But I also know that silence helps the oppressor. I have to speak up. I have to write.
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I have to expose the truth — even if it costs me everything. Even if it costs me my life.
Because what they are doing to the people of Iran is not just wrong — it is evil.
Majid Rafizadeh is a political scientist and advisory board member of the Harvard International Review.

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The Unexpected Consequences of My 2016 Trump Vote
The Unexpected Consequences of My 2016 Trump Vote

Buzz Feed

time39 minutes ago

  • Buzz Feed

The Unexpected Consequences of My 2016 Trump Vote

I am a Chinese woman, a daughter of immigrants, who voted for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. It is almost a secret, though I sometimes offer up the confession like it is penance. I cried driving away from my polling place and sobbed on a futon when he won. My chest was tight, my stomach churned, my face was hot — all blood and breath and acid had conspired inside me to signal alarm. I immediately hated my choice, but I did not yet believe it to be wrong. I had bought into the lesser-of-two-evils arc, with 'But her emails!' still echoing in my mind to assure me that this was the only option. Earlier that fall, my church had just launched a new 'Adopt A College Student!' ministry. It was imagined as a mentorship and fellowship opportunity for the young adults in our congregation, a chance to share coffee and do laundry. We were invited to apply for the program, so that we could prayerfully be matched up with an adoptive family. I learned the family of one of our church's pastors had requested to be paired with me, and this thrilled me. I had secretly hoped to be matched with them, and I loved a narrative in which I was chosen. My eagerness to sign up for anything that promised me love was what had brought me to church in the first place. The messaging was direct. They had cornered the market on love, and all I needed to do was say yes. The love would turn out to be a gimmick to get me signed up for the real program, one that I was even more primed to receive, and that I believed was simply the precursor to how to be loved: how to be good. In addition to a behavioral and ideological rulebook, white evangelical culture provided me with one other thing I'd been chasing after my whole life: an entry point into dominant white culture. I wanted to un-other myself and believed that I could assimilate myself into safety, power, and love. A deep sense of un-belonging had been with me since my earliest memories. When I was little, kids would ask me why my eyes weren't more Chinese — the asker would drag their own eyes out to the edges of their face in a sliver. I never had an answer but took it as a mercy that I was less Chinese than I could have been. At my Baptist preschool, my favorite teacher, who had long brown hair that I loved to play with, asked me one day what the Chinese word for hair was. I answered, 'Tóufa' — and then it became my nickname for the rest of my years there. I internalized these differences as things that made me special, but over time this morphed into two beliefs: I was only as special as I was separate; and in this showcase of separation was where I was most likely to be endeared. In church, I learned to further capitalize on this difference, twisting the isolation into testimony. I had felt much pain related to my Chinese identity, and the church was ready to pin Chinese culture as the culprit and this American gospel as the solution — as salvation. I had grown up in a family that was not apolitical but that had not considered politics from a perspective that I could understand. My parents were Chinese immigrants who'd grown up during the Cultural Revolution and come to the United States following the Tiananmen Square massacre, and who'd told me exactly none of this over the course of my years at home. I was in high school when I learned about the massacre on the internet and in my 20s when I thought to ask my mother if she had been in Beijing when it happened (she had been). Once, after a fifth-grade civics lesson, I wondered whether my parents were Democrats or Republicans, and I asked my neighbor down the street what she thought: Which was better, and which were my parents? She said my dad was probably a Republican because he owned a small business. Then she shared that she was a Republican, too. I remember feeling a frivolous pride teaching my parents the Pledge of Allegiance when they were preparing to become citizens, like it was my little American trick. The first time they voted in a presidential election, I was surprised. I knew they could, but it hadn't occurred to me that they would. They still felt so un-American to me, and U.S. politics felt like it didn't belong to them, or to us. Over the next few years, I felt a growing sense that I both should and shouldn't find my place in political conversations around me. In churched spaces, the prevailing message was that politics were bad, divisive, and a scheme, but still, there was an unspoken alliance. I don't remember learning Christian nationalism, but one day it was just there, the innate understanding that Christians were Republicans, that liberalism was bad, and that it was good to root for our beliefs to be everybody's beliefs. The church I attended had an American flag on the stage, the children said the Pledge of Allegiance before AWANA, and on more than one occasion, we sang about God and country during Sunday worship, declaring our patriotism through choruses of 'America, America, God shed his grace on thee.' My public school invited students to church lock-ins with the aim of proselytization, refrained from Halloween festivities, prayed before sporting events, and I had come to receive this breakdown of church and state as a blessing. By the time the 2016 election rolled around, I had spent a lifetime in sacred and secular institutions that had braided moral uprightness with a message of Christian faith. In the months leading up to the election, I spent a lot of time with the pastor's family who had 'adopted' me for the college student ministry. The wife, in particular, spoke frequently to me about politics. She shared her beliefs with a parental (and pastoral) authority on gun control and racism, and Hillary Clinton. She presented ideologies as an assumed commonality, sparing me the opportunity to react wrongly. One day in the car, she shared her 'all lives matter' ethic with me at a stoplight on the way to pick up her daughter from dance. I tensed for a moment — and then we were talking about something else. By November, we had had so many conversations about Hillary Clinton that I knew she was not an option. I don't remember any conversations about Donald Trump. My first time voting in a presidential election was when I was 21. I had spent my few previous adult years priding myself on being good and moral, while managing to stay outside of political schematics. An impulse to challenge the things that unsettled me had begun to creep in, but immediately I would assert that I didn't care about politics, that this thing I was bringing up wasn't that. I had begun the psychic separation of church and state, knowing that I would legally support gay rights, even if doctrinally I couldn't. But I wasn't watching the news, and I wasn't engaging with the worst of Donald Trump. I had reduced him to nothing more than the option that was not Hillary Clinton. I knew that I had a duty to civic participation and that I couldn't leave this world completely up to chance, but I also believed that my citizenship was not of this world but another. I believed there was a spiritual superiority in staying above the anxiety of politics. It's true that this ideology I had built my life on had begun to fray, that I expressed unease over my plan to vote for Donald Trump, that I fought to justify it because I knew it wasn't justifiable. But nuancing my culpability wouldn't do a damn thing for the mistake I would make in the end. A few months before the election, I had just for the first time considered whether or not I was a 'person of color.' I had watched a recording of a diversity roundtable segment from a popular Christian women's conference featuring people of color discussing race and the church, and two East Asian women were on the panel. Afterward, I asked my white roommate if I was a person of color and cracked a joke about whether or not yellow was a color. I knew I wasn't white, but I had been white-adjacent enough to believe that a racialized experience wasn't something that belonged to me. I had only ever heard race discussed in the contexts of Blackness and whiteness. Recently, my only Asian American friend from high school shared that her prevailing memory of me was that I hated being Chinese and wished I was white. She remembers me saying this over and over again. I had always felt the categorical otherness of being Chinese in a town that was over 90% white and had so minute an Asian population that the category was often omitted altogether in census data (other times, it came in at a decimal below 1%). But I lacked a framework to make sense of it. I didn't yet understand white supremacy, or the model minority myth or even systemic racism. I didn't know that I was a person of color. I instinctively hated what was hated in me, but even that felt like pointing at a ghost. How do you gather evidence when all the evidence is just ways you are quietly not there? The movies you are not in, the books, the TV shows. The way your history is omitted, but you can't cite what you don't know, you can only know what isn't yours, and the history you learn never is. You singularly fill the gap that accounts for your existence, because if you haven't learned about you, then surely they haven't either. They ask you about your eyes or your food or your parents' names, but it's all in good faith (except when it's not). The systems that are designed to restrain us — the ones that succeed without our ever seeing them — breed a particularly maddening brand of self-hatred. Following the election, the bubble of white-adjacent privilege I had quietly kept myself in popped overnight. All of the good behavior in the world couldn't save me from the pain that was now presented to me as my birthright. People I loved had received a blanket permission slip to say out loud any abhorrent things they had believed all along. Oftentimes racist ideology was shared with me with no awareness of its implication on me at all. I'd spent so many years trying to convince white people and myself that I was one of them, and I'd almost done it. I'd prided myself on being the kind of Asian you could make Asian jokes to, ask your racist questions to. I beat people to the punchline for a quick laugh. I cracked jokes about pretending to be everybody's adopted Chinese daughter; one year, I wound up in three different families' church directory photos as a gag. I'd spent my life allying with whiteness, and I couldn't believe now how it had betrayed me. When I share now that I voted for Trump in 2016, it drops like a bomb every time. People who didn't know me then are shocked because it feels aggressively counter to every value I hold now. People who did know me then just never clocked me as particularly Republican, and so even 'voting for the platform' doesn't quite explain what I did because was I ever so against abortion? When I told my therapist a few weeks ago, she gasped and immediately asked me, 'Why?' The truth of the moment of decision is not particularly interesting or compelling. 'I was told I had to,' feels cheap and off-kilter. My understanding of that political era is so different now than it was then that it is hard for me to access my actual beliefs from that time. What did I truly believe about Hillary Clinton? How little did I think about my decision as my own before I cast it on a ballot? Most of my close white evangelical friends sat the election out because they said they just couldn't vote for him, and they couldn't vote for her. How, then, had I reconciled the cognitive dissonance that was voting for Donald Trump? The short answer is, I didn't. The longer one is that two primary impulses compelled me to my vote: the desire to stay loved and the desire to stay close to whiteness — both repackaged as a desire to please God. I didn't believe Trump would get me any closer to these things, but I thought compliance might. I don't know what I really believed about the stakes of that election or the platforms of the candidates (though my body gave me signs I had betrayed myself immediately after I voted), but I do know that I truly believed that the church was the reigning authority on love. This belief, paired with my pleasing tendencies and my insecurities, made me incredibly susceptible to the church's ideological mandates. I felt like I had snuck into the group and had so much to lose. I wanted to stay trusted and to be seen as good, and I believed them when they told me how to do it. I wonder sometimes how long it would have taken me to get here had Trump not won the election in 2016. My story of regret is not unique, and neither is it noble. I allied with whiteness until it had nothing left to offer me. I was swayed by the church's authority on love not because of how I hoped the church might dispense love to others but because of how I hoped it might dispense love to me. I still live in the same small, white, churched town in West Virginia. Everyone I love either loves someone who voted for Trump or is someone who voted for Trump. I worry that there is a parallel universe in which I did again, too — in which I am a completely different person because I remained allied with power. I have laid down much at the altar of white supremacy, but if Trump's first term gave me nothing else, it gave me an ultimatum. I am not grateful to have made the mistake of voting for Donald Trump in 2016, and I am not grateful for anything that has come from his politics or his presence, but I am grateful for the other side of a crisis point.

What to know about the conflict between Israel and Iran
What to know about the conflict between Israel and Iran

Chicago Tribune

timean hour ago

  • Chicago Tribune

What to know about the conflict between Israel and Iran

ATHENS, Greece — The open conflict sparked by Israel's sudden barrage of attacks against Iran's nuclear and military structure shows no signs of abating on the seventh day of hostilities between the two longtime foes that threatens to spiral into a wider, more dangerous regional war. An Iranian missile hit a hospital in southern Israel early Thursday, while others struck an apartment building in Tel Aviv and other sites in central Israel, wounding at least 40 people. The barrage led Israel's defense minister to overtly threaten Iran's supreme leader. Israel, meanwhile, struck Iran's heavy water reactor, part of the country's nuclear program, which its government insists is meant for peaceful purposes only. Israel says Iran is trying to develop nuclear weapons. President Donald Trump has been making increasingly sharp warnings about the possibility of the U.S. joining in attacks against Iran, while Iran's leader has warned the United States would suffer 'irreparable damage' if it does so. President Trump says he'll decide whether US will directly attack Iran within 2 weeksThe strikes began last Friday, with Israel targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, killing several top military officials and nuclear scientists. Iran retaliated by firing hundreds of missiles and drones at Israel, some of which have penetrated the country's vaunted multi-tiered air defense system. The region has been on edge for the past two years as Israel seeks to annihilate the Hamas group, an Iranian ally, in the Gaza Strip, where war still rages after Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel. Here's what to know about the conflict between Israel and Iran: An Iranian missile hit Soroka Medical Center, in the southern Israeli city of Beersheba, early Thursday, striking an old surgery building that had been evacuated in recent days. The hospital, the largest health-care facility in southern Israel, has over 1,000 beds and serves around 1 million residents of the area. Several people were lightly wounded in the strike, local authorities said. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu condemned the attack, vowing to 'exact the full price from the tyrants in Tehran.' Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz blamed Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei for the strike, and said the military 'has been instructed and knows that in order to achieve all of its goals, this man absolutely should not continue to exist.' U.S. officials said this week that Trump had vetoed an Israeli plan to kill Khamenei. Trump later said there were no plans to kill him, 'at least not for now.' Many Israeli hospitals have activated emergency plans in the past week, moving patients underground to be treated in parking areas converted into hospital floors. Israel also boasts a fortified, subterranean blood bank. On Monday, Iranian authorities said at least 224 people had been killed and more than 1,200 wounded in Israeli strikes. No updated figures have been made available, but a Washington-based Iranian human rights group said at least 639 people, including 263 civilians, have been killed and more than 1,300 wounded. Retaliatory Iranian strikes on Israel have killed 24 people and wounded hundreds. Israeli fighter jets targeted Iran's Arak heavy water reactor, located about 155 miles southwest of Tehran, on Thursday. Heavy water is used as a coolant for certain types of reactors, with plutonium — which can be used to make an atomic bomb — produced as a byproduct. 'The strike targeted the component intended for plutonium production, in order to prevent the reactor from being restored and used for nuclear weapons development,' the Israeli military said. Iranian state television said there was 'no radiation danger whatsoever' and that the facility had been evacuated before the attack. The International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed the heavy water research reactor was hit, adding that 'it was not operational and contained no nuclear material, so no radiological effects.' The U.N.'s nuclear watchdog said it had no information on whether the heavy water plant next to the reactor had been hit. Israel views Iran's nuclear program as an existential threat, and has said its airstrikes are necessary to prevent Iran from building an atomic weapon. U.S. intelligence agencies and the IAEA have repeatedly said Iran was not pursuing a nuclear weapon when Israel unleashed its airstrikes. But the U.N. agency has questioned Iran's stockpile of enriched uranium and last week censured the country for failing to comply with inspectors. Iran enriches uranium up to 60%, a short, technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%. It is the only non-nuclear-weapon state to enrich at that level. Israel is widely believed to be the only nuclear-armed state in the Middle East but does not acknowledge having such weapons. Trump has made increasingly pointed warnings about the possibility of U.S. military involvement in the conflict. On Wednesday, he said he didn't want to carry out a U.S. strike on Iran but suggested he was ready to act if necessary. 'I'm not looking to fight,' Trump told reporters in the Oval Office. 'But if it's a choice between fighting and having a nuclear weapon, you have to do what you have to do.' He has been noncommittal on what his plans might be. 'I may do it, I may not do it,' Trump said of a potential U.S. strike. 'I mean, nobody knows what I'm going to do. Nothing is finished until it is finished. The next week is going to be very big — maybe less than a week.' Khamenei has rejected U.S. calls for surrender, saying that 'the Iranian nation is not one to surrender.' 'Americans should know that any military involvement by the U.S. will undoubtedly result in irreparable damage to them,' he said in a video statement Wednesday.

9th Circuit sides with Trump administration in challenge to L.A. troop deployment
9th Circuit sides with Trump administration in challenge to L.A. troop deployment

Los Angeles Times

timean hour ago

  • Los Angeles Times

9th Circuit sides with Trump administration in challenge to L.A. troop deployment

The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals decided Thursday to leave troops in Los Angeles in the hands of the Trump administration while California's objections are litigated in federal court, finding the president had broad — though not 'unreviewable' — authority to deploy the military in American cities. 'We disagree with Defendants' primary argument that the President's decision to federalize members of the California National Guard ... is completely insulated from judicial review,' Judge Mark J. Bennett of Honolulu, a Trump appointee, wrote for the appellate panel. 'Nonetheless, we are persuaded that, under longstanding precedent interpreting the statutory predecessor ... our review of that decision must be highly deferential.' Legal scholars said the decision was expected — particularly as the 9th Circuit has moved from the country's most liberal to one of its most 'balanced' since the start of Trump's first term. 'It's critically important for the people to understand just how much power Congress has given the president through these statutes,' said Eric Merriam, a professor of legal studies at Central Florida University and an appellate military judge. 'Judges for hundreds of years now have given extreme deference to the president in national security decisions, [including] use of the military,' the expert went on. 'There is no other area of law where the president or executive gets that level of deference.' The appellate panel sharply questioned both sides during Tuesday's hearing, appearing to reject the federal government's assertion that courts had no right to review the president's actions, while also undercutting California's claim that President Trump had overstepped his authority in sending troops to L.A. to quell a 'rebellion against the authority of the United States.' 'All three judges seemed skeptical of the arguments that each party was making in its most extreme form,' said Elizabeth Goitein, senior director of the Liberty and National Security Program at NYU's Brennan Center for Justice. 'I was impressed with the questions,' she went on. 'I think they were fair questions, I think they were hard questions. I think the judges were wrestling with the right issues.' The ruling Thursday largely returns the issue to U.S. District Judge Charles R. Breyer. Unlike Breyer, whose temporary restraining order last Thursday would have returned control of the National Guard to California, the appellate court largely avoided the question of whether the facts on the ground in Los Angeles amounted to a 'rebellion.' Instead, the ruling focused on the limits of presidential power. Bennett's opinion directly refuted the argument — made by Assistant Atty. Gen. Brett Shumate in Tuesday's hearing — that the decision to federalize national guard troops was 'unreviewable.' 'Defendants argue that this language precludes review,' the judge wrote. '[But Supreme Court precedent] does not compel us to accept the federal government's position that the President could federalize the National Guard based on no evidence whatsoever, and that courts would be unable to review a decision that was obviously absurd or made in bad faith.' He also quoted at length from the 1932 Supreme Court decision in Sterling v. Constantin, writing '[t]he nature of the [president's] power also necessarily implies that there is a permitted range of honest judgment as to the measures to be taken in meeting force with force, in suppressing violence and restoring order.' Shumate told the judge he didn't know the case when Bennett asked him about it early in Tuesday's hearing. 'That is a key case in that line of cases, and the fact he was not aware of it is extraordinary,' Goetein said. Merriam agreed — to a point. 'That's a nightmare we have in law school — it's a nightmare I've had as an appellate judge,' the scholar said. However, 'it's actually a good thing that the attorney representing the U.S. was not planning to talk about martial law in front of the 9th Circuit,' Merriam said. One thing Thursday's ruling did not touch is whether the administration violated the Posse Comitatus Act by deputizing the military to act as civilian law enforcement — an allegation California leveled in its original complaint, but which Breyer effectively tabled last week. 'The Posse Comitatus Actclaim has not been resolved because it was essentially not ripe last Thursday,' when troops had just arrived, Goetein said. 'It is ripe now.' 'Even if the 9th Circuit agrees with the federal government on everything, we could see a ruling from the district court next week that could limit what troops can do on the ground,' she said. In the meantime, residents of an increasingly quiet Los Angeles will have to live with the growing number of federal troops. '[Congress] didn't limit rebellion to specific types of facts,' Merriam said. 'As much as [Angelenos] might say, 'This is crazy! There's not a rebellion going on in LA right now,' this is where we are with the law.'

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