ISIS suspect arrested in New Orleans Bourbon Street terror attack that killed 14
Iraqi authorities on Tuesday confirmed the arrest of an ISIS member accused of inciting the New Year's terrorist attack on Bourbon Street in New Orleans that left 15 people dead, including the perpetrator.
The arrest comes months after 42-year-old Shamsud-Din Jabbar of Texas killed 14 civilians and injured 57 others when he rammed a Ford F-150 through crowds of people celebrating New Year's on the famous New Orleans street around 3 a.m. Jan. 1. Jabbar was killed in a shootout with police.
Iraqi authorities said their investigation into the ISIS member came at the request of American authorities but did not expand on exactly what incited the deadly attack, and officials are not releasing the suspect's name.
The suspect will be tried in Iraq under the country's anti-terror laws for being a member of ISIS, according to a translated statement from the Iraq judiciary.
"With efforts from the National Center for International Judicial Cooperation, a person involved in the terrorist ISIS organization was arrested for inciting the hit-and-run incident that occurred in the United States of America in January 2025, which led to the death of 15 people and the injury of 30 others," the judiciary said, according to a translated version of the statement, adding that the center "received a request from the United States of America to assist in the investigations related to the terrorist operation that took place in the city of New Orleans, in which a gunman ran over a crowd of celebrants with a truck before opening fire on them."
The First Karkh Investigation Court, "based on the investigations and analysis of the evidence, identified the identity of the accused and arrested him in Iraq as he is a member of what is called the Foreign Operations Office of the terrorist ISIS organization," the judiciary said.
FBI New Orleans said in a statement: "The FBI's investigation into the New Year's Day terrorist attack in New Orleans remains active and ongoing. While we continue to work with our law enforcement partners, both in the U.S. and internationally, based on the information to date, we continue to believe that Shamsud Din-Jabbar acted alone in carrying out the attack on Bourbon Street. We continue to follow all leads and encourage anyone who may have information to contact the FBI at 1-800-CALL-FBI or tips.fbi.gov."
The FBI previously said it had not ruled out the possibility of accomplices being involved in the attack even though Jabbar acted alone, saying the suspect had previously visited New Orleans on two occasions, once on Oct. 30, 2024, and once on Nov. 10, 2024. He also visited Cairo and Toronto prior to the attack.
Federal authorities also said Jabbar was inspired by ISIS.
"[H]e appears to have been inspired — from afar — by ISIS. And it is, in many ways, the most challenging type of terrorist threat we face," former FBI Director Christopher Wray told "60 Minutes" in a wide-ranging interview that aired in January. "You're talking about guys like this, who radicalize not in years but in weeks, and whose method of attack is still very deadly but fairly crude. And if you think about that old saying about connecting the dots, there are not a lot of dots out there to connect. And there's very little time in which to connect them."
WATCH: NEW ORLEANS POLICE RESPOND TO BOURBON ST ATTACK
The Texas native was a twice-divorced Army veteran who, despite a lucrative job at a large consulting firm, had a history of financial struggles and missed child support payments, records show.
During his visits to New Orleans months before the attack, Jabbar used Meta smart glasses to take videos of his surroundings as he rode a bike through the French Quarter.
On Dec. 31, Jabbar rented the Ford truck in Houston and then drove it to New Orleans, where he checked in to an Airbnb. Authorities would later find bomb-making materials and remnants of a fire at the property, saying Jabbar likely attempted to cover up his crime by attempting to burn evidence at the rental home in the St. Roch neighborhood, about two miles from the French Quarter.
"It's pretty clear so far that this is a guy who was radicalized online and who was determined to try to murder as many innocent people as he could in the name of ISIS," Wray said in his interview with "60 Minutes."
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Newsweek 'Assassination Culture' While right-wing extremism is regularly dissected and denounced in mainstream media, conservatives have long complained that political violence from the left regularly receives less scrutiny—or is reframed entirely to dismiss the perpetrators' progressive views. This perceived imbalance has fueled a growing belief, often discussed on conservative subreddits, in right-leaning Substacks, and on X, that left-wing violence is minimized or rationalized, while right-wing violence is amplified and condemned. The Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI), a nonpartisan organization that studies the spread of hate, manipulation, and extremism across digital platforms, has raised these concerns recently. Based at Rutgers University, the group uses machine learning and data analytics to identify emerging threats and ideological patterns online. 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A YouGov survey conducted shortly after found that 54 percent of U.S. adults said Trump deserved sympathy. Among Democrats, only 31 percent agreed, while 60 percent said he did not. In contrast, 83 percent of Republicans expressed sympathy for the then-candidate, reflecting how politics shapes responses to violence. Two months later, another attempt on Trump's life took place at his Florida golf club. A poll of 1,000 registered voters by Scott Rasmussen's Napolitan News Institute found that 17 percent said it would have been better for the country if Trump had died. Among Democrats, the number was 28 percent. "For decades, we've assumed that calls for political violence come from the far right—and often, they have. What we never expected was the enormous growth in similar calls coming from the mainstream left," Horder said. Both of the men who police say came close to killing Trump last summer also shared something in common with Mangione: political worldviews that ranged from almost completely unclear to contradictory. Thomas Crooks, 20, who was shot dead by Secret Service snipers moments after his bullet grazed Trump's ear in Butler, left virtually no online footprint. He was a registered Republican who donated to Democrats on the day of Joe Biden's inauguration. Ryan Routh, 59, who is accused of lying in wait for Trump in the bushes as he played a round of golf, was a self-proclaimed Trump voter who had grown disillusioned over the war in Ukraine. He also expressed support for Bernie Sanders. Ryan Wesley Routh (left), the gunman involved in the recent assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump at his West Palm Beach golf club, and Thomas Matthew Crooks (right), the gunman in the July 2024... Ryan Wesley Routh (left), the gunman involved in the recent assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump at his West Palm Beach golf club, and Thomas Matthew Crooks (right), the gunman in the July 2024 Butler, Pennsylvania shooting during a Trump rally. More Getty Images / X 'Corridor to Violence' The NCRI rose to prominence in recent years due to its prescient early warnings about far-right radicalization, including the growth of the QAnon conspiracy theory and the risk of political violence leading up to the certification of the election on January 6, 2021. Joel Finkelstein, co-founder of the NCRI, recalled in an interview with Newsweek: "They weren't an accident. They didn't come out of nowhere. They were inevitable." Now, the group is raising similar concerns—this time about rhetoric emerging from the opposite end of the political spectrum. "These aren't fringe beliefs anymore," the group warns. "They're creeping into the mainstream of activist discourse." A recent survey conducted by the NCRI found that nearly one-third of respondents expressed some level of justification for acts of lethal political violence, with significantly higher support among those identifying as left-of-center. Fixty-six percent of those respondents said murdering Donald Trump would be at least somewhat justified, while 50 percent said the same about Elon Musk. The poll also found that 40 percent of all respondents believed it was at least somewhat acceptable to destroy a Tesla dealership in protest of Musk's partnership with Trump, with support rising to nearly 60 percent among those who identified as left-of-center. NCRI's analysis, based on troves of social media data, reveals how fringe internet culture has helped build what the group calls "permission structures" for violence. These are social environments—online or offline—where violent acts are no longer condemned but tacitly accepted, if not outright encouraged. "It's not just about who pulls the trigger," said Finkelstein. "It's about who stays silent, who reposts a meme, who says nothing when someone jokes about killing a billionaire. That's how the corridor to violence gets built." The imagery and meme-ification of Luigi Mangione is one such example. Mangione, currently jailed pending his capital murder trial, has become an anti-hero in niche online communities. His likeness is shared alongside memes depicting Nintendo's Luigi character as a stylized assassin—ironic, cartoonish, but deadly serious. "It looks like a joke," Horder said, linking Mangione's online fame to a pattern of other real-world incidents, including the recent firebombing of elderly Jewish protesters in Boulder, Colo., allegedly by an Egyptian national angry about the war in Gaza. "But it's not. It's a method of radicalization wrapped in humor." A member of the Seattle Fire Department inspects a burned Tesla Cybertruck at a Tesla lot in Seattle, Monday, March 10, 2025. A member of the Seattle Fire Department inspects a burned Tesla Cybertruck at a Tesla lot in Seattle, Monday, March 10, 2025. Lindsey Wasson/AP Photo "They were acting within a worldview that told them these killings would be celebrated. And online, they were." Gaza Conflict and Domestic Spillover Just days before the antisemitic attack in Boulder, two Israeli embassy staffers were gunned down outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C., in a targeted attack that resembled the style of the ambush on Thompson. According to law enforcement, the suspected gunman, Elias Rodriguez, stalked the two young diplomats after they departed an event. Upon arrest, told officers, "I did it for Palestine. I did it for Gaza." "This targeting and outright murder of two people is very much an escalation from traditional left-aligned protest tactics," said Katherine Keneally, director of threat analysis at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a nonprofit that monitors extremism and terrorism, to NPR. "Trends are changing." An FBI team is investigating an attack on demonstrators calling for the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza, at the scene on Pearl Street in Boulder, Colorado, on June 1, 2025. An FBI team is investigating an attack on demonstrators calling for the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza, at the scene on Pearl Street in Boulder, Colorado, on June 1, 2025. ELI IMADALI/AFP via Getty Images Since Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, killing some 1,200 Israelis and taking hundreds more captive, at least five deaths in the U.S. have been linked to the Palestine conflict. Experts told NPR that the war between Israel and Hamas has changed the tone of some left-wing protests, making the red lines less clear. On college campuses across the U.S., protests against Israel have waxed and waned. Some activists have been criticized for spreading messages seen as antisemitic or outright supportive of militant groups like Hamas and Hezbollah. "Left-wing extremism is often overlooked, in part because the worst state abuses and non-state violence associated with proponents of communist and socialist ideologies happened several decades ago," said Jakob Guhl, director of policy and research at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue. "Some actors on the broader far left continue to carry out or support acts of political violence and terrorism," he added. Rodriguez, who is accused of killing the young Israeli diplomats, shared social media posts praising Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah—evidence, researchers say, of a growing wave of pro-Hamas or pro-terrorist sentiment among a small but outspoken group of Gaza-focused activists. According to reports, Rodriguez also spoke admiringly of Mangione in posts unearthed by law enforcement. Seth Jones, director of the defense and security department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, called the execution of the diplomats "an anomaly"—a rare instance of deadly far-left violence tied to antisemitism. "Typically, attacks against synagogues or Jewish individuals have come from the violent far right," he told NPR. "The escalation is striking," said Colin Clarke of the Soufan Group, a New York-based security consultancy. "Since October 7th, we've seen an uptick in far-left extremism surrounding Gaza. It's not just pro-Palestinian rhetoric anymore—some of it is explicitly pro-Hamas, pro-Hezbollah." Pro-Palestinian activist protest outside Columbia University in New York City on April 20, 2024. A rabbi associated with Columbia University sent a message out Sunday morning recommending that Jewish students go home amid rise in... Pro-Palestinian activist protest outside Columbia University in New York City on April 20, 2024. A rabbi associated with Columbia University sent a message out Sunday morning recommending that Jewish students go home amid rise in "extreme antisemitism." More LEONARDO MUNOZ/AFP via Getty Images However, Keneally, the extremism monitor, said that even as left-wing violence rises, far-right violence—especially from white supremacists—remains the deadliest and most consistent domestic threat, according to federal assessments. "What the research has shown is that when it comes to – and I don't think there's any other more direct way to say it than the death count – incidents that are typically affiliated with issues or ideologies that might fit in a more far-right bucket have been more lethal," she told NPR. Guhl also said he would not to conflate radical but peaceful protest movements on university campuses or civil disobedience tactics with far-left groups that promote political violence. "The term 'left-wing extremism' should not be overused to delegitimize social movements that aim to fundamentally challenge the status quo while still believing in universal human rights rather than the abolition of democracy," he said. An Asymmetry Amplified The trends flagged by researchers—online radicalization, meme culture, and the normalization of violence as a means to justify a political end—are increasingly shaping public discourse well beyond the digital sphere. Peter Turchin, a University of Connecticut professor and leading theorist of structural-demographic cycles, sees the current moment as part of a predictable historical pattern. "In 2010, I predicted a period of political instability beginning in the 2020s," Turchin told Newsweek. "And nearly every warning sign—popular immiseration, elite overproduction, eroding state capacity—has only intensified." While political violence has increased across ideological lines, Turchin said that public perception and media coverage remain uneven. A protester holds a Mexican flag and mask of Donald Trump while standing in front of vandalized a Waymo car during a protest against immigration raids on June 08, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. A protester holds a Mexican flag and mask of Donald Trump while standing in front of vandalized a Waymo car during a protest against immigration raids on June 08, 2025 in Los Angeles, California."Right-wing violence is emphasized by mainstream media because it's perceived as an existential threat to the ruling regime," he said. "Whereas left-wing violence is often seen as less threatening—sometimes even as a counterweight to the right." According to Turchin, this perception gap is no accident. "Narratives around political violence are shaped not just by the acts themselves, but by the stories that elites—and counter-elites—build around them," he said. Both he and Horder agreed that instances of political violence, wherever they come from, perpetuate a cycle in which each side accuses the other of hypocrisy while excusing the bad actors on their own extremes. Recent events have borne this out. The unrest and riots that have spread across parts of Los Angeles this week—triggered by federal immigration raids—has reignited debate about protest tactics and when and how the federal government should involve itself when its presence is not requested by local officials. Meanwhile, videos of self-driving cars aflame and masked rioters throwing rocks at federal agents ricocheted across social media. "If we didn't do the job, that place would be burning down," Trump said about his decision to activate the Guard. "I feel we had no choice. I don't want to see what's happened so many times in this country." Governor Gavin Newsom and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, California's highest-profile elected officials who are both progressive Democrats, condemned the president for inflaming the simmering unrest, though they were more muted about calling out some of the acts of violence caught on camera. "People talk about radicalization like it's something that happens in dark corners of the internet," said Horder from NCIR. "But it's happening on the streets now too, in broad daylight, sometimes behind banners of justice."
