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Analysis: Trump keeps everyone guessing on whether he'll go to war in Iran — perhaps including himself

Analysis: Trump keeps everyone guessing on whether he'll go to war in Iran — perhaps including himself

CNN5 hours ago

He might do it. But he might not. And you've got no idea whether he will. Then again, neither does he.
Donald Trump's riffing ahead of the most wrenching national security decision in either of his presidencies is nothing like the complex war-gaming and careful tilling of public opinion that most commanders in chief require before they send Americans off to fight.
Trump's vague soliloquies and ambiguous comments, on camera and online, seem glib and even negligent given the grave potential consequences of a US attack on Iran's nuclear sites.
But it's how he rolls. He wants to keep friends and foes guessing. He's shown that he believes unpredictability and volatility — factors that most presidents seek to avoid in national security crises — offer him a key advantage.
Trump loves to be the center of attention with the world hanging on his every word. His equivocating creates space for him to postpone the moment of decision and to avoid locking in definitive courses of action he can't reverse. His fans say it's genius. But there's not much evidence that strategy transfers from a real estate magnate's boardroom to complex geopolitical showdowns and global peacemaking.
Iran's ayatollahs, Israel, US allies, members of Congress, pundits, reporters and Americans watching at home can never be certain what Trump might do next. And no modern president has ever managed the run-up to a possible war as though he is sketching a series of cliffhangers to compel viewers to watch the next episode. Trump is no JFK calmly averting nuclear war with high-pressure diplomatic chess during the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Trump's critics have dreaded the moment when he'd face the kind of international crisis he largely avoided during his first term. And his style has serious drawbacks.
His administration has yet to take the American people into its confidence and explain why it has suddenly changed its view that Iran was not building a nuclear weapon. Now, Trump says it's weeks away from one. There's no sign the administration intends to seek authorization from Congress for a possible new act of war against Iran — as the Constitution requires. And it's refusing to say whether it's gamed out how an attack on Iran's nuclear plant at Fordow could reverberate through a treacherous region and whether it has any kind of exit strategy.
This would be troubling in isolation. But following Washington's disastrous history of plunging into quagmires caused by paltry planning for the day after shock-and-awe beginnings, it's tempting fate. And Trump's serial dishonesty and scorched-earth leadership style mean millions of Americans will need a lot more than his word to trust any decision to wage military action.
The president's plans might be a mystery. But his calculation is a simple one.
He must decide whether US interests are served by joining Israel's assault on Iran to try to destroy the Islamic Republic's nuclear program with unique bunker-busting capabilities that only the United States possesses.
It's a tough call because of the potential consequences: Iranian attacks on US bases in the Middle East, potential terrorist attacks on US targets, and a shockwave that could destabilize the world if the regime in Tehran collapses.
The latest developments are ominous. A third US aircraft carrier group is moving toward the Middle East. A fierce war of words between Trump and Iran's clerical leaders is heating up. And the president is huddling in daily Situation Room meetings with his top national security aides.
CNN reported on Wednesday that the president is preoccupied with finding a way to strike key targets of Iran's nuclear program without being dragged into a full-scale war. Sources familiar with the matter said he wants to avoid the kind of open-ended conflict like those in Iraq and Afghanistan that he's vowed to avoid and that he used as a catalyst for his rise among MAGA voters skeptical of war.
These revelations might offer Americans some comfort since they suggest that the president is weighing the implications of his decisions with greater diligence than his offhand patter suggests.
There's some logic to his position. No one expects Trump to put US troops on the ground — they could be a sitting target in Iran or in any post-war failed state insurgency, as happened in Iraq and Afghanistan. Trump's first-term assassination raid that killed Iranian intelligence chief Qasem Soleimani didn't unleash fury against US targets that many analysts expected. And US bases in the region are heavily defended against missile attacks. There's also some question about how much Iran's degraded military can now throw at the US and Israel.
But US foreign policy of the last 25 years is haunted by false assumptions about the behavior of adversaries when they are attacked. As Trump said himself last month in Saudi Arabia, US officials were often meddling in societies they didn't understand.
So, it's fair to ask whether Trump has any idea what he's getting into.
A watching world is no wiser after the president's public appearances Wednesday.
'I mean, you don't know that I'm going to even do it. You don't know. I may do it, I may not do it. I mean, nobody knows what I'm going to do,' Trump told reporters who asked him about his plans for Iran as he unveiled two massive flagpoles at the White House. 'Nothing's finished until it's finished. You know, war is very complex. A lot of bad things can happen. A lot of turns are made.'
Later, in the Oval Office, Trump told CNN's Kaitlan Collins that he hadn't made a final decision on what to do as he's besieged by pressure for action by Israelis and warnings from his own MAGA base to stay out of foreign wars. 'I have ideas as to what to do, but I haven't made a final — I like to make the final decision one second before it's due, you know, because things change.'
Trump's lack of precision worries Democrats.
'It's obviously unclear where his head is at right now. I think he was pretty indecisive on the subject of Iran, which I can understand,' California Democratic Sen. Adam Schiff said on 'The Situation Room.'
'This is a difficult call. But I don't think we got much guidance as to whether he is optimistic about talks with Iran leaning in towards a potential strike on Iran,' Schiff said, reacting to one of Trump's meandering press availabilities. 'It was pretty nebulous, the kind of usual stream-of-consciousness.'
There's confusion about conflicting intelligence assessments in the US and Israel about Iran's nuclear progress. Virginia Democratic Sen. Mark Warner is part of a group of senior lawmakers who are given access to the most sensitive classified information. But he's as much in the dark as anyone about what's next.
'I'm a member … of the Gang of Eight. We're supposed to know,' Warner told CNN's Kasie Hunt. 'I have no foggy idea what this administration's plans are or what the foreign policy is vis-a-vis Iran.'
The question of the administration's contingency planning is also coming into focus. But don't expect any details.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was confronted by Michigan Democratic Sen. Elissa Slotkin during a hearing on Wednesday. Slotkin speaks from experience: She was a CIA officer who completed combat tours in Baghdad after the George W. Bush administration's disastrous lack of forethought for how to win peace in Iraq.
'Have you commissioned any day-after planning?' Slotkin asked. 'Any force protection, any use of ground troops, in Iran; any cost assessments, because I don't think we doubt what we can do as a country, and in the attack. It's the day after with Iraq and Afghanistan that so many of us have learned to be so deeply concerned about.
Hegseth reacted with disdain. 'We have plans for everything, Senator,' he said.
Trump showed similar hubris. 'I have a plan for everything, but we'll see what happens,' he told reporters on the Oval Office.
The president also says he's open to diplomacy. But there's no sign of a James Baker-style peace shuttle.
Far from offering his adversary a face-saving off-ramp. Trump is demanding total surrender at the outset. While this may match Israel's goals, it's a nonstarter for Iran's revolutionary corps of leaders in Tehran, who've founded their regime on more than 45 years of defying successive American presidents.
Trump often seems to be operating in a parallel universe. He for instance insists Iranian leaders wanted to meet and 'to come to the White House.'
Iran strongly denied any such aspirations.
'We are not begging for anything,' Deputy Foreign Minister Majid Takht-Ravanchi told CNN's Christiane Amanpour. 'As long as the aggression continues, as long as this brutality continues, we cannot think of engaging.'
This points to one of the liabilities of Trump's diplomacy, which also helps explained his failed Ukraine peace drive. His administration shows little skill in creating openings and multilayered negotiating scenarios that can loosen entrenched positions. Trump makes maximalist demands. When interlocutors demur, the process grinds to a halt.
So, for now, the country seems on a path to another venture in the Middle East, with uncertain consequences.
But Trump had one more cliffhanger.
'Anything could happen,' he said, when asked if the regime in Iran could fall in a response which exemplifies his entire presidency.

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South Korea Plans $22 Billion Extra Budget as Tariffs Hit Growth
South Korea Plans $22 Billion Extra Budget as Tariffs Hit Growth

Yahoo

time11 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

South Korea Plans $22 Billion Extra Budget as Tariffs Hit Growth

(Bloomberg) -- South Korea unveiled an extra budget worth billions of dollars, in a bid to support an economy struggling with sluggish consumption and mounting trade headwinds from Donald Trump's tariffs. Security Concerns Hit Some of the World's 'Most Livable Cities' JFK AirTrain Cuts Fares 50% This Summer to Lure Riders Off Roads Taser-Maker Axon Triggers a NIMBY Backlash in its Hometown How E-Scooters Conquered (Most of) Europe NYC Congestion Toll Cuts Manhattan Gridlock by 25%, RPA Reports The 30.5 trillion won ($22.2 billion) proposal includes 15.2 trillion won for economic stimulus and 5 trillion won for supporting livelihoods like small businesses, the finance ministry said in a statement. Another 10.3 trillion won is set aside to cover revenue shortfall for this year's existing budget, as taxation income fell due to weaker corporate performance and consumer spending. The proposal comes after President Lee Jae Myung took office earlier this month, vowing to boost growth and improve livelihoods. He had pledged over 30 trillion won in fresh spending through extra budgets to support small businesses and offset trade shocks. Before the election, 13.8 trillion won had already been approved as part of the first supplementary budget. Lee has inherited an economy already under pressure from weakening demand, compounded by months of political turmoil triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's failed martial law bid. The country's gross domestic product shrank in the first quarter, prompting the Bank of Korea to slash its 2025 growth forecast to 0.8% from 1.5%. The central bank also cut its key interest rate to 2.5% and signaled more easing may follow. Of the 10.3 trillion won tax revenue shortfall, nearly 9 trillion won stemmed from declines in corporate and value-added taxation income. The figures point to deepening economic strain, and help explain why policymakers are leaning more heavily on fiscal stimulus. As a leading semiconductor manufacturer and a key player in global supply chains, South Korea remains particularly vulnerable to trade risks from US tariffs. Exports are equivalent to more than 40% of the country's GDP, and are a key driver of the the country's growth rate. Trump's across-the-board tariffs for South Korea, which are set to jump to 25% in early July from a baseline 10%, are among the highest imposed on US allies. Other sector-specific levies by the Trump administration threaten key South Korean industries, including semiconductors, cars, steel, and aluminum. 'Bold and timely fiscal support is essential for the economy to return to a solid upward trajectory,' second Vice Minister of Finance Lim KiKeun said in a briefing Wednesday. 'While the supplementary budget cannot solve all challenges at once, it represents the first crucial step forward.' The government plans to fund the extra budget through a mix of spending cuts and debt issuance. About 5.3 trillion won will come from restructuring existing outlays, while 2.5 trillion won will be drawn from surplus balances in public funds. Another 3 trillion won will come from changes to foreign exchange stabilization bonds, while the bulk — 19.8 trillion won — will be financed through new sovereign bond sales. The fiscal push will raise the nation's debt-to-GDP ratio to 49% this year, from 47.4% in 2024, as total government spending climbs 6.9%, the ministry said. Even before the election, the need for more fiscal stimulus was clear. BOK Governor Rhee Chang-yong warned that additional measures would likely be required in 2025, underscoring the challenges facing Asia's fourth-largest economy. As part of the stimulus package, the government plans to distribute vouchers worth between 150,000 and 500,000 won per person. The payments will be provided to the general population rather than targeted groups. The issuance of regional gift certificates will also be expanded to encourage spending, with policymakers hoping the combined measures will deliver a swift injection of cash into the real economy. The proposal still needs parliamentary approval, and opposition lawmakers have raised concerns about the rapid debt buildup and potential inefficiencies in spending. Song Eon-seog, a lawmaker from the People Power Party, warned that 'reckless extra budgets' could actually harm both livelihoods and the broader economy. Earlier this month, the central bank stressed the importance of swiftly drafting and implementing an extra budget to boost domestic demand, saying the stimulus would have only a limited impact on inflation. --With assistance from Seyoon Kim and Shinhye Kang. Ken Griffin on Trump, Harvard and Why Novice Investors Won't Beat the Pros Is Mark Cuban the Loudmouth Billionaire that Democrats Need for 2028? The US Has More Copper Than China But No Way to Refine All of It How a Tiny Middleman Could Access Two-Factor Login Codes From Tech Giants Can 'MAMUWT' Be to Musk What 'TACO' Is to Trump? ©2025 Bloomberg L.P. Sign in to access your portfolio

Did Trump's assault on regs just knock out CCS?
Did Trump's assault on regs just knock out CCS?

E&E News

time13 minutes ago

  • E&E News

Did Trump's assault on regs just knock out CCS?

The Trump administration is telling the world that carbon capture and storage at power plants is not ready for prime time, delivering a major setback to a technology that's struggling to find a foothold. EPA proposed a repeal last week of the Biden administration's climate rule on electricity producers, which called CCS the 'best system of emission reduction' for long-running coal plants and new gas turbines. In a new proposed rule, EPA said capturing 90 percent of carbon emissions at power plants hasn't been 'adequately demonstrated and its costs are not reasonable.' It's 'extremely unlikely that the infrastructure necessary for CCS can be deployed' by a 2032 compliance date set under the Biden rule, EPA said. Advertisement The Trump administration's proposed rollback — which EPA touted in a news release Friday with more than 50 supportive quotes from lawmakers and trade groups — comes amid scant deployment to date of carbon capture projects on U.S. power generation. Fewer projects in the electricity sector could impede broader CCS efforts nationwide, whether they involve storing carbon dioxide underground or using it to pump out more oil and gas. 'Power plants are large emitters, and sequestering CO2 from these facilities would have required significant investment in transport and storage infrastructure, most likely in the form of [carbon capture] hubs or clusters,' Brenna Casey, an associate at BloombergNEF, said in a recent note to clients. 'Other industrial emitters, like cement plants and petrochemicals producers, could have piggybacked on the infrastructure built to serve these power plants.' In a report last fall, the Global CCS Institute — a think tank that supports the industry — said 19 commercial-scale CCS facilities were operational in the United States. Only one, the Petra Nova facility in Texas, is on power generation, the assessment showed. Analysts offered mixed views on how much of a setback the proposed repeal of the Biden rule could deliver to power sector CCS — with some saying it could push plant operators to rethink investing in the technology or hold off on plans, while others said they didn't expect the Biden rule to speed up CCS deployment on fossil power plants. Under the Biden rule, new combined-cycle natural gas plants that run more than 40 percent of the time would also have needed to curb their emissions by 90 percent by 2032. EPA's repeal 'could be a large blow' to the U.S. CCS sector, Brendan Cooke, vice president for new energies at research firm Rystad Energy, said in a statement. 'A little over half of the announced capture capacity for the power sector is for plants that would be regulated under the rules put in place last year' by former President Joe Biden's EPA, Cooke said. 'For these plants, the absence of regulation, plus challenging economics, may be enough for operators to reconsider investments.' Others, however, see a more muted effect from retracting the Biden rule, in part because of the current interest in developing natural-gas-fueled power plants known as peakers that typically only run during periods of high demand. 'Our original view was that the EPA regulations would not accelerate CCS deployment on power plants as we expect the majority of future gas plants to be peakers and expected the rule to cause coal retirements to accelerate rather than install CCS,' said Jeffery Jen, a senior analyst with Enverus Intelligence Research, in an email. 'Based off this, the repealing of the regulation should not materially impact CCS deployment on power.' The 'most prominent business case' for CCS deployment on power plants is helping to give data centers 'clean' and 'dispatchable' baseload power, according to Jen. In an analysis last June, the Rhodium Group research firm came to a similar conclusion, finding that fossil generation 'with carbon capture generally plays a small role on the grid in 2035.' While there's been 'limited' announcements of CCS for new gas-fired power generation so far, 'the impact to potential growth in this area would be the most significant as all new baseload gas generation would have been mandated to install CCS,' said Cooke at Rystad. 'Without regulation we should not expect near term growth in this area.' While the federal 45Q tax credit — the main incentive for CCS projects in the United States — has stayed relatively unharmed thus far in Congress' reconciliation package, high costs and difficulty building new pipelines to carry captured CO2 are also headwinds that have blunted deployment. The U.S. power sector is responsible for nearly a quarter of all U.S. greenhouse gas emissions — behind only the transportation sector. Last week, the Carbon Capture Coalition, a group that works to build federal policy support for carbon management projects, highlighted announced CCS plans in the U.S. power sector. 'Regardless of the administration's decision on how or if to regulate CO2 emissions from the power sector, carbon capture and storage technologies are here to stay,' said Jessie Stolark, the coalition's executive director, in a statement. Still, Stanford University professor Rob Jackson said companies won't pay for CCS when they can pollute for free. Jackson is a senior fellow at Stanford's Woods Institute for the Environment, as well as its Precourt Institute for Energy. Last week, Alex Bond, executive director of legal and clean energy policy at the Edison Electric Institute, said the group supports CCS technology but 'appreciates EPA's acknowledgment that carbon capture and storage technologies are not yet viable for widespread deployment.' 'Electric companies need standards for natural gas facilities that are attainable to plan and permit new facilities, along with flexible regulatory approaches that help maintain dispatchable generation,' Bond said in a statement. In a statement Monday, an unnamed EPA spokesperson said the agency's regulatory agenda under Biden 'was to kill off the coal, oil and gas sectors with costly regulations and mandates.' The U.S. hit record oil and gas production levels during the Biden administration, however. DOE didn't provide comments to POLITICO's E&E News on the outlook for the CCS industry. The Global CCS Institute, however, said some customers will continue to look for low-carbon power, regardless of EPA's position, and will be interested in natural gas plants with CCS. 'Some states may also continue to promote policies that require or incentivize CCS, and the administration is prioritizing Class VI primacy, which will help states move forward where CCS is a priority,' the institute said in a statement. 'Strong market signal' On Earth Day this year, the White House used the term 'cutting-edge' to describe CCS. The emissions-trapping technology was on a list of sectors — including nuclear and geothermal energy — that the Trump administration said it supports in pursuit of greater energy production and 'environmental innovation.' The inclusion of CCS didn't go unnoticed among industry members or its proponents, including the developer of a major carbon dioxide pipeline project in the Midwest. Since that April proclamation, however, the administration's mashup of policies around carbon capture has elicited both praise and disappointment. One development cheered by CCS supporters has been EPA's push to grant top oversight of wells used for geologic storage of carbon dioxide to state agencies. This year, EPA has bestowed that authority to West Virginia and proposed doing the same for Arizona and Texas, clearing the path for those states to issue permits for CO2 storage wells instead of the federal government. The Department of Energy, meanwhile, has announced its intention to remove carbon management from its Office of Fossil Energy and Carbon Management; proposed cutting the office's budget by about $270 million; and said its work would include 'promoting carbon capture, transport and storage with a focus on enhanced oil and gas recovery,' where CO2 is used to produce more oil. In May, DOE terminated nearly $3.7 billion in awards — including several on carbon capture projects. Carbon management backers called the cancellations a 'major step backward' for national deployment. Then came EPA's proposed rule last week, which said greenhouse gas emissions from fossil-fuel-fired power plants don't contribute significantly to dangerous air pollution. Although it's 'disappointing to see the [Trump] administration send mixed signals on its support for carbon management, the industry has proven that it's still 'all in', including through an unprecedented number of announced projects and pending Class VI wells,' said Stolark at the Carbon Capture Coalition in an email Friday. There's a 'strong market signal' for CCS deployment through the 45Q credit, as well as bipartisan support from lawmakers on Capitol Hill, Stolark also said. Peter Findlay, director of carbon capture, use and storage (CCUS) economics at research firm Wood Mackenzie, said the Trump administration's exact strategy on carbon capture isn't crystal clear. But he said it's one of three decarbonization target areas the administration backs, along with nuclear and geothermal. As far as CCS can help to foster energy independence, the Trump administration 'sees it as favorable, but not invest vast sums in the technology development,' Findlay said. While the United States remains a leader in operational CCS projects globally, Findlay said the potential is there for China to move past the U.S. if there's not sufficient federal support for early stage technologies. The Trump administration hasn't prioritized carbon capture in terms of its budget, said Ryan Fitzpatrick, senior director of domestic policy for the climate and energy program at Third Way, a national think tank and advocacy organization. 'I think a lot of the support that it's had and the protection that it's had in things like the reconciliation bill has come from Congress,' Fitzpatrick said. 'But I do think the administration is missing the bigger picture here, that whether it's the U.S. or other countries, CCS is going to be deployed and equipment is going to be purchased, technology is going to be licensed. 'There is money to be made, and the U.S. is currently well situated to compete for that, but that's not guaranteed,' he added. 'We have to have public support for this as well.' This week, the Senate Finance Committee's portion of the Republican reconciliation bill included some changes to the 45Q credit, including increasing the credit value for CO2 used in products or enhanced oil recovery. Promoting CCS tied to enhanced oil recovery fits into President Donald Trump's focus on expanding oil production, Fitzpatrick said. Still, he said, if CO2 storage via enhanced oil recovery is how Trump can support carbon capture, that's not the worst thing, as that will still prove beneficial for the sector overall. Project ups and downs Despite the fanfare, the only operational CCS facility at a U.S. power plant has less than six years combined under its belt. The Petra Nova project, which captures CO2 from a coal-fired unit at a power plant southwest of Houston, started operating around the beginning of 2017. While DOE put out a happy third birthday to the facility in January 2020, the CCS facility would soon shut down. Beginning that May, Petra Nova took a hiatus of more than three years after low oil prices, induced by the Covid-19 pandemic, hurt the project's economics. The Petra Nova facility, which has cumulatively captured 5 million metric tons of CO2 since it started up, is owned by ENEOS Xplora, formerly JX Nippon Oil & Gas Exploration. Meanwhile, at least one CCS project in the power sector is no longer moving ahead. Project Diamond Vault — a CCS retrofit of a Louisiana plant mainly fueled by petroleum coke announced in 2022 — is no more. 'In 2022, Cleco Power announced it would be initiating a two-year study to explore retrofitting the company's existing Madison 3 plant to reduce carbon emissions' through CCS, the power company said in a statement this week. In 2024, Cleco Power 'discontinued the study because it was found that the project wasn't economic and in the best interest of our customers.' But other projects are still working to join Petra Nova's ranks. Those include a CCS project at a California Resources (CRC) gas plant in California's Kern County, which announced plans to start construction in the second quarter of this year and begin CO2 injection before the end of 2025. The project was hit with a lawsuit in November over allegations that Kern County officials didn't properly weigh its environmental risks. On Monday, CRC spokesperson Richard Venn said construction of the CCS project is expected to begin in the next several weeks and will last roughly six months. That work includes well drilling, grading, trenching, foundations and installation of CO2 capture equipment, he said. 'CRC remains focused on advancing CCS as a critical tool for reducing emissions in California and supporting the state's ambitious climate goals,' Venn said in an email. Other proposals to tack on CCS technology are further out on the horizon. Developers of Project Tundra, which would add carbon capture to the coal-fired Milton R. Young Station in North Dakota, have declined to say when they could reach a final investment decision on the project. They failed to reach that milestone in 2024 and the project lost energy company TC Energy as one of its developers last year. 'We remain focused on Project Tundra and look forward to a final investment decision when the necessary conditions align, ensuring that the project fits our long-term goals,' said Ben Fladhammer, a spokesperson for Minnkota Power Cooperative, which operates the Young plant and is a developer of Project Tundra. Fladhammer said the estimated cost of Project Tundra is now $2 billion, up from an earlier estimate of $1.4 billion. Minnkota had opposed the power plant rule finalized by EPA last year. Fladhammer criticized the Biden rule as 'unworkable,' pointing to 'aggressive timelines and requirements' that would 'push dependable power plants toward retirement at a time when electricity demand is rising and the grid is already under strain.' 'Project Tundra was initiated well before the current power plant regulations were finalized,' Fladhammer said, adding that the project 'remains an option under active evaluation as we assess technologies that can support reliable, lower-carbon energy production.' Meanwhile, a natural gas power plant in West Virginia with CCS — the CPV Shay Energy Center — 'remains in active development,' said Matthew Litchfield, vice president of external and regulatory affairs at Competitive Power Ventures, in a statement Friday. Announced in 2022 shortly after Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, the plant would have a capacity of about 2,000 megawatts. It's in the process of working through the interconnection process with regional grid operator PJM Interconnection, according to Litchfield. Construction on the plant is slated to begin in the fourth quarter of 2026. 'We look forward to continuing to advance the project and help the region address the critical need for more large dispatchable power projects like CPV Shay,' he said. Meanwhile, utility Duke Energy is working on a front-end engineering and design study for a CCS project at the Edwardsport coal-to-gas plant in Indiana, and that's expected to wrap in the third quarter of 2026. Duke welcomed EPA's announcement last week. 'Last year's power plant rule unnecessarily puts pressure on customer affordability and grid reliability with little to no environmental benefits,' Duke spokesperson Angeline Protogere said in an email Friday. 'We appreciate EPA's ongoing efforts to address these concerns.' Separately, Entergy said an engineering study for a potential CCS project at the Lake Charles Power Station in Louisiana is still ongoing and is expected to be completed this summer. 'While we are currently reviewing EPA's proposal for fossil fuel-powered generating plants, Entergy has long supported the regulation of greenhouse gas emissions and we remain committed to transitioning to modern low- and zero carbon-emitting generating resources,' said Neal Kirby, an Entergy spokesperson, in a statement about EPA's proposed repeal. In Florida, Tampa Electric spokesperson Cherie Jacobs said the utility currently has 'no plans to move forward with CCS,' but is planning to drill two test wells near the Polk Power Station in central Florida to better understand the area's geology. Tampa Electric could decide to pursue CCS in the future 'if it's in the best interest of our customers,' Jacobs said. This story also appears in Climatewire. Correction: A previous version of this story misstated the timing of Project Tundra's cost increase.

Trump's immigration crackdown straining labor force for Minnesota ag, food operations
Trump's immigration crackdown straining labor force for Minnesota ag, food operations

Miami Herald

time15 minutes ago

  • Miami Herald

Trump's immigration crackdown straining labor force for Minnesota ag, food operations

As agricultural and canning operations are ramping up for the summer, they are trying to figure out the possible repercussions of stepped-up immigration enforcement. The workforce for these businesses has become tighter over the past few years, and many were worried that the threat of raids coupled with increased security at the Mexican border would further deplete summer help. "It's kind of a freak-out time [for the agriculture supply line]," said Fernando Quijano, economics educator with the University of Minnesota educator in Moorhead. "We're talking about agriculture, man, some of the most serious business we have in the United States." This week many farm groups and commodity associations are staying quiet about the latest guidance from the Department of Homeland Security. Just a week ago, DHS reportedly paused raids on rural areas, after pressure from those same groups. But on Monday, the Trump administration reversed course. DHS officials said there would be "no safe spaces" for companies that use undocumented labor. The policy whipsaw came after a meatpacking plant raid in Nebraska last week and heavy lobbying of U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins and other officials by farm and food companies. The mixed signals carry another level of worry for those who rely on immigrant labor, say Minnesota rural economic experts. Most of these dairy and pork farms, meat processors and vegetable canneries are in rural Minnesota, where support for President Donald Trump remains close to 50%. Still, many believed last week the behind-the-scenes pleadings had softened the administration's stance, Quijano said. "It seems to me Trump is realizing that we need some sort of protections (for farm workers)," he said. Tracking undocumented labor is difficult. Minnesota was home to anywhere between 50,000 to 70,000 unauthorized immigrant workers in 2022, according to estimates from the Center for Migration Studies and the Pew Research Center. A large share of them work on farms or food and meat processing. But those numbers are down significantly from previous estimates a decade ago. Immigration policies have affected how willing undocumented laborers are to seek jobs in the state, and businesses hiring those labors are struggling to make up the difference. "A lot of those industries have been dealing with a really tight labor market since 2017," said Cameron Macht, a regional labor analyst manager for the Minnesota Department of Employment and Economic Development. "Constraining the number of available workers is a challenge ... they're already looking for more workers and so not having access to a portion of workers is going to create an extra challenge." Only 27% of farms hire outside help in Minnesota, according to the USDA census, said Lauren Heers, a University of Minnesota extension educator for the central part of the state. A good number of those workers are immigrants. "Depending on who you ask, you'll hear different experiences - many migrant workers, documented or not, report fears of workplace immigration raids," she said. "Some operators are seeing this reflected in day-to-day labor availability, while some operators report this isn't an issue." In southwestern Minnesota's Lyon County, farmer Dennis Fultz, 78, said Trump's change of course regarding the food and ag industries is another example of how inconsistent federal government policies are this year. "It's frustrating," said Fultz, who describes himself as a lifelong Republican who voted for Kamala Harris last November. But he also said that he and other farmers in Lyon County, which is home to a turkey processing site among other food operations, are finding the workers they need. Yet for areas in the state starting to see a tightening, the anxiety immigrants have felt this year is another barrier to finding enough workers. And in Minnesota, fear is spreading that the first, big raid of a packing house or farm site could be near. "The Trump administration's whiplash approach to immigration enforcement is creating uncertainty all across rural communities," said Sen. Tina Smith, the Democrat from Minnesota. "Families, farmers and food workers deserve stability, not political stunts that disrupt lives and hurt rural economies." Last week, Immigrations and Custom Enforcement agents detained 100 workers at a JBS meatpacking plant outside Omaha. In Worthington, Minn., home to a large pork slaughterhouse owned by JBS, the Brazilian-owned meat giant, residents reported ICE knocking on doors. Of the 120,448 job openings in 2024, according to a state website, over 18,000 were in food preparations. Fewer than 500 were in farming. When the HyLife pork plant in Windom, Minnesota, shuttered two years ago, roughly half of its 1,000-person workforce was on foreign labor visas, including many from the same hometown of Salvatierra, Mexico. As of 2024, Minnesota has around 4,000 ag workers with H-2A visas, meaning they're temporarily employed for seasonal work as farmers and ag concerns can't find enough domestic workers. H2A visa records in the state show Stevens County, home to mega dairy farms, as the largest recipient of H2A labor. But experts say these populations often are different. H2A workers may come from eastern Europe or South Africa. Meanwhile, a majority of undocumented workers, often those working livestock operations, hail from Mexico or Central America. Various statewide business and community groups are lobbying for immigration and visa reform to bring in more foreign workers, arguing Minnesota won't be able to continue growing without foreign-born labor. A Minnesota Chamber of Commerce report in February highlighted how the state's immigrant population is driving population and labor gains. Employment among immigrant workers increased by 7% between 2019 and 2023, compared to less than 1% for native Minnesotans. "Over the past 10 years, half of the new labor force in the state has come from foreign-born workers," said Macht, the DEED analyst. "The match with job vacancies and available openings in the state and the industries that they have helped fill jobs in is just incredibly important to the vitality of the state." Nationwide, the number of certified H-2A workers grew by 64.7%, from 224,965 to 370,628, according to numbers from the Washington-based American Immigration Council. Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. 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Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
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