
Supreme Court seems poised to rule for Ohio woman alleging "reverse discrimination"
Washington — The Supreme Court on Wednesday appeared poised to side with an Ohio woman in her bid to revive a lawsuit alleging "reverse discrimination" after she said she was denied a promotion and demoted because she is straight.
The case, known as Ames v. Ohio Dept. of Youth Services, centers on what a plaintiff alleging a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act must show to make an initial case of employment discrimination.
Marlean Ames, the woman who brought the case, argues that a "background circumstances" requirement adopted by some lower courts unfairly imposes a higher burden on her as a heterosexual woman. The standard requires plaintiffs who are members of a majority group to put forth more evidence than those in a minority group in order for their case to proceed.
Ames seems likely to prevail in her effort to have her case restored, with most — if not all — of the justices appearing to agree with her argument that federal employment law does not require her to meet a higher bar just because she is a member of a majority group as a heterosexual woman. The Supreme Court could send the case back to the lower courts for additional proceedings.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett said that regardless of whether Ames is gay or straight, "she would have the exact same burden" and be treated the same under Title VII. Justice Brett Kavanaugh told Xiao Wang, who argued on behalf of Ames, that they want the court to write an opinion that says "the rules are the same."
The questions posed by the justices to Gaiser prompted acknowledgement that there is agreement among all parties — lawyers for Ames, the Justice Department and the Ohio Department of Youth Services, Ames' employer — that all plaintiffs should be treated the same, regardless of whether they are in a majority group or minority group.
The Supreme Court, which has a 6-3 conservative majority, is reviewing the case as President Trump has taken sweeping actions to dismantle diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI, programs and policies throughout the federal government and fired workers overseeing the initiatives.
In the private sector, large companies like McDonald's, Ford and Walmart have walked back their DEI initiatives in recent months in the wake of the Supreme Court's 2023 decision ending affirmative action in college admissions. That landmark ruling prompted more lawsuits from conservative groups targeting diversity initiatives at corporations.
Allegations of reverse discrimination
Ames started working at the Ohio Department of Youth Services, the state's juvenile corrections system, in 2004 as an executive secretary and became a program administrator in 2014. During her time in that role, she received positive performance reviews, according to court filings.
Ames applied for a promotion to bureau chief of quality assurance and improvement in 2019, but didn't get the job. Her supervisor, Ginine Trim, who is gay, said Ames and two others who applied failed to lay out their vision for the role, according to court filings from Ames' legal team.
The position remained unfilled for months and eventually was offered to a gay woman who had been with the department for less time than Ames, her lawyers said in court papers. The woman didn't interview or apply for the job, and was less qualified than Ames, according to the attorneys.
After Ames was denied the promotion, she was removed from her position as program administrator and told she could either return to her job as executive secretary or be fired. Accepting the demotion, though, would mean a significant pay cut — from $47.22 an hour to $28.40, according to court filings.
Ames told CBS News in an interview Wednesday that she discovered she was being demoted to secretary just a few days after she received her 30-year service pin.
"They put a 25-year-old man with less than three years of service in our agency to do my job that I had successfully done for over five years," Ames said.
Still, Ames chose to go back to her role as executive secretary and was replaced as program administrator by a gay man, her lawyers said.
"It was humiliating going to work every day," Ames added of the experience of being demoted.
Ames sued the Department of Youth Services and alleged violations of Title VII, which prohibits employment discrimination based on race, religion, national origin and sex, which includes sexual orientation. Ames argued the department discriminated against her on the basis of sexual orientation.
A federal district court ruled for the Ohio Department of Youth Services, finding that the department offered "legitimate, nondiscriminatory business reasons" for passing Ames over for the promotion. The court also concluded that she failed to satisfy the "background circumstances" requirement.
Imposed by some courts, the standard requires a plaintiff who is a member of a majority group to show "background circumstances" that "support the suspicion that the defendant is that unusual employer who discriminates against the majority," or engages in reverse discrimination.
Plaintiffs can make that showing by presenting evidence that a member of the relevant minority group — gay people, in Ames' case — made the employment decision at issue, or by presenting statistical evidence demonstrating a pattern of discrimination by the employer against members of a majority group.
Ames asked the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit to review the district court's decision. The appeals court also found that she failed to satisfy the "background circumstances" requirement and threw out her case.
The three-judge panel first said that the decisions about Ames' positions were made by the department's director and assistant director, who are heterosexual. The 6th Circuit also found that Ames' only evidence of a pattern of discrimination was her own experience.
The Supreme Court agreed in October to take up Ames' case. In filings, her lawyers argued that the "background circumstances" test infringes on the text of Title VII, Supreme Court precedent and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission's own practices.
During arguments before the high court, Wang said he and his client are asking for "equal justice under the law."
But lawyers for the Ohio Department of Youth Services reiterated in a filing that the officials who made decisions about Ames' employment are straight and provided a nondiscriminatory reason for replacing her as program administrator: concerns about her vision for the department.
None of the decision-makers knew Ames' sexual orientation when she was denied the promotion and demoted, Gaiser told the justices.
Additionally, the state wrote in filings that the background circumstances rule is just another way of determining whether the circumstances surrounding an employment decision suggest that decision was because of a protected characteristic.
Ohio officials said the background circumstances standard protects against "meritless" Title VII claims, which can "impose ruinous costs, especially on smaller businesses, that ultimately reduce employment, incent automation, and inflate prices for consumers — or consume Ohioans' tax dollars."
Barrett questioned whether a decision in favor of Ames would "throw the door open" to more suits. Wang noted that only half the federal appeals courts apply the background circumstances rule.
During the arguments, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said that the circumstances surrounding the employment decisions about Ames, such as her years working at the Department of Youth Services and positive performance reviews, suggest "there's something suspicious" about her getting passed over for the promotion. That could give rise to an inference of discrimination, she said.
Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, meanwhile, said that the argument pressed by the Ohio Department of Youth Services indicates that a plaintiff who is a member of a majority group has to put forth all of their evidence at an initial stage in the proceedings.
In a friend-of-the-court brief filed in December, the Biden administration argued the 6th Circuit was wrong to apply a heightened requirement that it said would foreclose some claims that would satisfy Title VII's standard for liability. The previous administration urged the Supreme Court to toss out the lower court's decision and send the case back for more proceedings.
The Trump administration also urged the justices to toss out the 6th Circuit's ruling. Ashley Robertson, assistant to the solicitor general, told the court that Title VII "draws no distinction" based on whether an employee alleging discrimination is a member of a majority or minority group.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
19 minutes ago
- Yahoo
For deportations, can a US president suspend the 'writ of habeas corpus'?
Question: Can a U.S. President suspend the "writ of habeas corpus"? Answer: The writ of habeas corpus is a safeguard against unlawful detention. It requires the government to justify, under the law, holding someone in custody. The U.S. Constitution mentions only a few rights explicitly in its original text, and habeas corpus is one of them. Historically, this writ was used to try and free people who were imprisoned or detained without judicial process and was a significant reform against the King of England to prevent unlawful or arbitrary imprisonment. The writ allows individuals to petition a court to determine the legality of their detention. In the U.S. today, it is primarily used to challenge the legality or sufficiency of the legal process. So, can a President suspend it? The short answer is probably not — at least not on his own. The longer answer involves constitutional interpretation, historical precedent, and a bit of Civil War history. The Constitution addresses habeas corpus in Article I, Section 9, which lays out limits on Congress, not the President. It reads: 'The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.' The placement in Article I is important, as this article is about the powers and structure of the legislature. The placement suggests that the power to suspend belongs to Congress. That view was confirmed in 1861, during the Civil War when President Abraham Lincoln unilaterally suspended habeas corpus in parts of the country. In response, Chief Justice Roger Taney ruled in Ex parte Merryman that Lincoln's actions were unconstitutional because only Congress had the authority to suspend the writ. Eventually, Congress passed the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act of 1863, giving Lincoln the power by law, which made the issue moot. There have only been four suspensions of the writ of habeas corpus since the Constitution was ratified. The writ was suspended during the Civil War; in parts of South Carolina during Reconstruction; in two provinces of the Philippines during a 1905 insurrection; and in Hawaii after Pearl Harbor. In modern times, no President has tried to suspend habeas corpus without congressional approval. Cerabino on Trump: Three reasons Trump's 'One Big Beautiful Bill' is bad for Florida Even during World Wars, the Cold War, and the aftermath of 9/11, presidents have relied on laws passed by Congress to detain individuals or limit court access, but the writ itself has remained intact. In fact, the Supreme Court has repeatedly reinforced its importance. In Boumediene v. Bush (2008), the High Court ruled that detainees at Guantánamo Bay had a constitutional right to habeas corpus, even though they were held outside the United States. The Court called habeas corpus a 'fundamental precept of liberty.' Nonetheless, there are scholars who argue that the President might have some "emergency authority" in cases where Congress is unable to act. It is possible that this argument could get some traction in the courts today where there has been some movement toward granting the President a greater scope of authority. For now, though, it is likely that any suspension of the writ would require congressional approval based on an invasion or rebellion. Kevin Wagner is a noted constitutional scholar, political science professor, and co-Director of the PolCom Lab at Florida Atlantic University. The answers provided do not necessarily represent the views of the university. If you have a question about how American government and politics work, email him at kwagne15@ or reach him on (X) @kevinwagnerphd. This article originally appeared on Palm Beach Post: Trump wants to deport. But what about due process? | Opinion
Yahoo
19 minutes ago
- Yahoo
These are the safest places in America for gay and transgender people
As Oklahoman legislators push to restrict trans rights and overturn the 2015 Supreme Court decision legalizing gay marriage, Zane Eaves says his identity as a transgender man has put a target on his back in his home state. One of 18,900 trans adults in Oklahoma, Eaves has received death threats as has his wife of 10 years and their two children. 'All the hatred and political stuff going on' are driving this Oklahoma lifer from the place he was born and raised, Eaves, 35, said. He has only crossed the state line three times in his life, but in recent weeks, he made the difficult decision to move his family to North Carolina to be closer to friends and allies. 'I am just trying to stay alive and keep my marriage,' Eaves said. Oklahoma ranks 44th in the nation on a list released Monday of the most and least welcoming states for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer Americans. More and more, the question of where LGBTQ+ people feel safe is one of blue vs. red, according to advocacy group Out Leadership. LGBTQ+ equality fell across the board for the third straight year, according to Out Leadership's State LGBTQ+ Business Climate Index shared exclusively with USA TODAY. But the sharpest declines came in Republican-led states. While progressive strongholds championed supportive policies and protections, conservative states elected a slate of leaders who openly oppose gay and trans rights and sponsored an unprecedented wave of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation, Out Leadership CEO and founder Todd Sears said. So-called 'Don't Say Gay' bills, religious exemptions and other legislation tanked the rankings of 19 red states in the Out Leadership index, according to Sears. Today, the divide between states that roll out the welcome mat and less hospitable parts of the country is wider than ever, he said. Each year for the last seven, Out Leadership has released the State LGBTQ+ Business Climate Index to gauge the overall climate for gay and transgender people state by state, mapping out where they will face the most and the least discrimination and hardship. Out Leadership's index measures the impact of state government policies and prevalent attitudes about the LGBTQ+ community, weighing factors such as support for young people and families, health access and safety, political and religious attitudes, work environment and employment and nondiscrimination protections. The Northeast had six of the 10 highest-ranked states, while the Southeast had six of the lowest-ranked. Massachusetts, led by the nation's first openly lesbian governor, Democrat Maura Healey and New York, which guaranteed gender-affirming care and LGBTQ+ refugee protections, tied for first place in this year's index, with Connecticut and New Jersey close behind. The least LGBTQ+ friendly state was Arkansas, which ranked last for the third straight year. South Carolina, Louisiana, South Dakota and Alabama also received low scores. The states that had the largest gains in the index were Kentucky and Michigan, which Out Leadership attributed to 'pro-equality' leadership from governors Andy Beshear and Gretchen Whitmer, both Democrats. The steepest declines were in Ohio, Florida and Utah, all led by Republican governors. The Out Leadership index was created as a LGBTQ+ inclusion reference guide for business leaders. But gay and trans people soon began using it to figure out where they should – and should not – live and work, never more so than now as rights rollbacks from the Trump administration and red statehouses hit close to home. Opposition to transgender rights was a central plank in Trump's presidential campaign and since taking office he has signed a series of executive orders recognizing only male and female genders, keeping trans athletes out of women's sports, banning trans people from serving in the military and restricting federal funding for gender-affirming care for trans people under age 19. Even states seen as safer for LGBTQ+ people have been navigating these edicts around trans athletes. Trump threatened to cut federal funding to California if a trans girl competed in a state track and field event held Saturday. AB Hernandez, a junior from Jurupa Valley High School in Riverside County, shared first place in the high jump and triple jump and second in the long jump. She shared the awards podium with her cisgender competitors under a new rule drafted by state athletics officials days before the event to mollify critics. Republican-led states have been in the vanguard of anti-trans legislation, causing greater geographic polarization and prompting fears among LGBTQ+ residents, even those who live in liberal cities. Jordan McGuire, a 27-year-old gay man in North Dakota, said the years he spent living in the Deep South taught him about the repressive discrimination routinely faced by gay and genderqueer people. At the same time, socially progressive cities in conservative states like Fargo and Grand Forks are no longer the safe havens they once were, he said. Now that his fiancee is transitioning to female, the couple is exploring a move to a 'sanctuary' state that will be safer for them. 'It feels like five or 10 years ago, trans people were not under the same microscope they are now and that has definitely influenced our move,' McGuire said. 'Yeah, people were prejudiced but it wasn't a witch hunt. They weren't looking for people in bathrooms and schools. But now things are so polarized.' That rising anxiety was captured in a post-election survey from UCLA's Williams Institute which found that nearly half of transgender people had already fled unsupportive communities and nearly 1 in 4 were considering uprooting their lives. The most frequently cited reasons for wanting to move were concerns about LGBTQ+ rights – 76% – the sociopolitical climate – 71% – anti-trans rhetoric and climate – 60% – and anti-trans laws and policies – 47%. Interest in relocating to friendlier states is even higher today than it was after Trump's reelection, say nonprofit workers who aid trans and gender-diverse people relocate to more liberal states with broader protections. So far in 2025, Rainbow Railroad in Canada has received more than 3,000 requests from LGBTQ+ people living in the United States, up more than 1,000% from the same time last year, according to communications director Timothy Chan. Nearly all requested international relocation support. For now, Rainbow Railroad can't aid Americans with resettlement services because of immigration restrictions, Chan said. TRACTION has heard from a record number of people from states as far away as Texas, Oklahoma and Arkansas with many of them reporting being threatened or feeling unsafe in their homes and neighborhoods, said Michael Woodward, the executive director of the trans-led organization in Washington state. Trans and gender-diverse people historically face financial hardship due to systemic oppression and discrimination, and need assistance finding jobs and housing as well as with interstate moving expenses that can run tens of thousands, Woodward said. TRACTION used to get a few applications a week until Trump won a second term. In the two weeks following the election, 'we received as many requests for assistance as we'd received in the entire life of the project thus far,' he said. After the inauguration, TRACTION started getting three to five applications every day. With one employee and a handful of volunteers, his organization is struggling to keep up with demand, Woodward said. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: These are the safest states for gay and trans people
Yahoo
5 hours ago
- Yahoo
Could Trump pardon Diddy and end his trial?
Sean "Diddy" Combs is being tried in a New York courtroom for racketeering and sexual trafficking. Could that daily drama vanish instantly if President Donald Trump pardoned the embattled rapper? "Yes, it could," says Brian Kalt, law professor at Michigan State University College of Law, who focuses on legal issues and the presidency. According to Kalt, Trump — who appears to be in the middle of a pardoning spree — would be within his presidential rights to extend a preemptive pardon to fellow New Yorker Combs, who has been described by witnesses so far as violent and abusive. "These are federal charges (against Combs), so that's the main limit. The matter has be federal, it has to be criminal vs. civil, and related to something that's already been done," says Kalt. "But the person doesn't have to even be charged yet, or convicted. The Supreme Court has said preemptive pardons are OK." Trump weighed in on the possibility Friday, May 30, in the Oval Office. "Nobody's asked" about a pardon, the president said. "But I know people are thinking about it. I know they're thinking about it. I think some people have been very close to asking." Trump added, "I haven't spoken to him in years. He really liked me a lot." 'Nobody's asked': President Trump doesn't rule out pardoning Sean 'Diddy' Combs Typically, one of the last gestures from an outgoing president is a pardon. In President Joe Biden's final days in office, he famously pardoned his son, Hunter, convicted of federal gun felonies and federal tax charges. At the end of Trump's first term, he granted clemency to political allies such as Roger Stone, found guilty of obstructing a congressional investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election and related offenses. But pardons can take place during a president's term, says Kalt. The right was established in Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the Constitution, which among other things gives the president "power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment." Kalt says the power to pardon is derived from the British monarch's historic right and stems from a recognition that criminal law was often too harsh, and it was important to have a safety valve. "The president was the best person to be that safety valve because of his political accountability," he says. But that's where things get murky, he adds, noting that Republican lawmakers "don't appear willing to hold the president accountable" for granting pardons, meaning they aren't costing him in terms of political capital. In contrast, President Gerald Ford's controversial pardoning of disgraced President Richard Nixon was perceived so negatively "that it probably cost Ford re-election in 1976," Kalt says. In just over 100 days since taking office, Trump has issued pardons to a broad range of personalities. They include Todd and Julie Chrisley, stars of the reality show "Chrisley Knows Best," who were convicted in 2022 of swindling $36 million from Atlanta banks and being tax evaders, and rapper NBA YoungBoy, who in 2024 was sentenced to two years in prison for weapons possession. He also pardoned former Illinois governor Rod Blagojevich, convicted of wire fraud and extortion, and Jan. 6 participant and "Bob's Burgers" actor Jay Johnston. The reason many presidents issue pardons at the end of their terms is precisely to avoid political fallout, says Kalt. In that sense, Trump's brash approach suggests he has no concerns about such ramifications. "I don't agree with these pardons on their merits, but the fact that he did them when he is politically accountable as opposed to slinking out the door does add some legitimacy to them in that sense," he says. "With pardons, you don't need Congress, you wave your magic wand and it happens. You can see the appeal for a president, particularly one like Trump." One can also see the appeal for those such as Combs, whose ordeal could end instantly should Trump's pardon "wand" wave his way. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Will Trump pardon Diddy? Trial could end, experts say