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A weekend from hell in coastal Syria

A weekend from hell in coastal Syria

Middle East Eye10-03-2025

Syria is reeling. Last weekend, the country witnessed one of the bloodiest events in its troubled history.
Gunmen loyal to deposed president Bashar al-Assad launched a ruthless attack on the coastal region. Clashes spiralled into revenge attacks on civilians, leaving hundreds dead and thousands displaced.
The killings have stoked an atmosphere of sectarianism and intimidation, and posed a massive challenge for the credibility of Syria's nascent government.
Civilians belonging to the Alawi community, which Assad and most of his loyalists belong to, were particularly targeted.
While the new Syrian administration's defence ministry said it had completed its operations against 'regime remnants', residents of the coastal cities say violence has not ended, despite being reduced.
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The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) has documented 779 'extrajudicial killings' since Thursday, saying it did not count the deaths of Assad loyalists in combat.
This includes 211 civilians and 179 security personnel killed by Assad loyalists, and 396 civilians and unarmed loyalists killed by armed groups and security forces.
The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a UK-based activist group that monitors the war, put the total death toll at over 1,000.
Here is how events unfolded.
Thursday: Assad remnants' attack
The deadly weekend started on Thursday night, when armed groups loyal to Assad attacked the new government's security forces in Jableh, killing one officer.
According to Shafik, an Alawi man in the port city of Baniyas 25km south of Jableh, security forces quickly responded to the incident and told residents of Syria's coastal areas to stay in their homes and not to be afraid.
Shafik, like all witnesses in this story, is using a pseudonym for security reasons.
The pro-Assad gunmen, who are also Alawi, initially overwhelmed government forces and took control of Qardaha, Assad's hometown.
Syria's government scrambled to bring in reinforcements but eventually managed to regain some control.
Helicopters fired on areas where clashes took place that night.
'In the end, things went OK. The factions killed the remnants of the regime, and all night long the sounds of beatings, shootings and bombs did not stop,' Shafik told Middle East Eye.
Friday: the massacres
What were clashes on Thursday spiralled into uncontrolled mass killings on Friday.
Convoys of gunmen belonging to groups that fought Assad charged into the northwestern provinces of Latakia and Tartus. They spread out through the coastal towns and cities, hunting Alawis.
Shafik recalls the fighters arriving at Baniyas around 11am, and heading straight for the Alawi-majority areas of al-Qusour and al-Mrouj.
'They broke into all the shops on the street and stole everything while shouting and cursing Alawis. After they finished stealing, they burned the shops and from there they started to climb the buildings. They started going into the houses, one by one.'
Once they reached his neighbourhood, he says it was 'up to one's luck' whether the armed men would kill them, beat them or steal from them.
Gunmen knocked on his front door and his mother answered.
She was reprimanded for marrying an Alawi. A fighter told her they will only leave after taking 'either souls or gold'.
'She told him: 'I swear we have no gold, we sold it all'. So he said: 'You either pay us with money or you all get killed. Your children are filthy Alawis, killing them is halal,' Shafik recalled.
After being paid off, the men left to find other homes to raid.
'The whole time we were living in terror and hearing the voices of people being killed and screaming,' Shafik said. 'The bodies in the streets were terrifying.'
A bit further north,just below Latakia city, the town of al-Mukhtariya suffered a similar fate.
'My aunt is in al-Mukhtariya,' said Faisal. 'They came in, took her husband and son, supposedly to an unknown location. Some hours passed, and their bodies were found in the street."
Faisal said the gunmen returned to speak to his aunt, "who had just lost her only son", and told her: "Your turn is coming, women, we will not leave a single Alawi alive.'
Saturday: continued attacks, HTS intervention
Shafik says the killings started again early the next morning, but this time something was different.
Members of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the faction that spearheaded the assault that toppled Assad in December and now dominates the Damascus government, were seen driving around the coast with women in the front of their vehicles.
Out of sight, were Alawi families that Sunni women and HTS fighters were helping escape and take to areas they could find safe shelter.
As Alawis fled, they saw their neighbourhoods in ruins.
'All of my friends are gone, Baniyas is burned,' said Ali. 'My friends' bodies are in the streets.'
Sunday: government restores control
Hassan Abdel-Ghani, spokesperson for the defence ministry, said on Sunday that security forces had regained control of the coast and will continue to pursue the people who led the pro-Assad insurgency.
Ahmad al-Sharaa, the HTS leader-turned-interim president, delivered a speech promising to hunt down remaining Assad loyalists and people who killed civilians.
'We will hold accountable, with full decisiveness, anyone who is involved in the bloodshed of civilians, mistreats civilians, exceeds the state's authority or exploits power for personal gain,' he said. 'No one will be above the law.'
The government also announced a committee would be formed to investigate the clashes and killings by both sides.
A member of the Syrian security forces stands between cars in Latakia, Syria, 10 March (Reuters/Karam al-Masri)
Across Sunday, fighting and killing on the coast slowed. In the mountains, where some 5,000 pro-Assad insurgents are believed to be hiding, clashes continued.
SANA, the state news agency, said a mass grave containing the bodies of Syrian security forces was found in Qardaha.
Meanwhile, in Baniyas, Ali said some of his relatives were also found in mass graves.
'They buried my uncle in a mass grave, not even in the village,' he said. 'There is no name on his tomb, and there is no space remaining in the cemetery.'
Glimmer of hope
Tensions remain very high in Syria. Alawis have accused the nascent government of failing to protect them.
Ali said security forces initially refused to allow people to recover bodies from Alawi-majority town al-Qusoor, which he believed was because they were trying to cover up crimes committed there.
Sectarian discourse has skyrocketed online.
A Syrian NGO in the north even posted a video of Ramadan sweets with a message saying: 'the Alawi has the right to live in his tomb in peace'. Its director was later arrested.
Despite the horror, Fadel Abdul Ghany, founder and director of SNHR, believes acts like Sunnis protecting Alawis from the massacres are a glimmer of hope for Syria's future.
'The state should take care of all its citizens, regardless of their religion or sect'
Fadel Abdul Ghany, SNHR
'There was a lot of local reconciliation between Sunnis and Alawis,' he said. 'Sunnis protected Alawis and Alawis protected Sunnis. On the social level, there is this coherence. They are friends living shoulder by shoulder.'
Abdul Ghany said reconciliation will require acknowledgements from both sides regarding their suffering over the past few years, and much of this work will fall within the hands of the state.
'The state should take care of all its citizens, regardless of their religion or sect,' he said.
'If the state took these initiatives with investigations, redressing, acknowledgement, apology, holding accountable those who committed violations, I think we would be moving in the right direction.'

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War on Gaza: How Israel is replicating Nazi starvation tactics Read More » Israel has murdered more than 220 Palestinian journalists in Gaza over the past 20 months, and has been keeping western journalists far from the killing fields. Like the West's politicians, the foreign correspondents finally piped up last month - in their case, to protest at being barred from Gaza. No less than the politicians, they were keen to ready their excuses. They have careers and their future credibility to think about, after all. The journalists have publicly worried that they are being excluded because Israel has something to hide. As though Israel had nothing to hide in the preceding 20 months, when those same journalists docilely accepted their exclusion - and invariably regurgitated Israel's deceitful spin on its atrocities. If you imagine that the reporting from Gaza would have been much different had the BBC, CNN, the Guardian or the New York Times had reporters on the ground, think again. 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For the western media, Thunberg was "detained", not abducted. The framing was straight out of Tel Aviv. It was a preposterous narrative in which Israel was presented as taking actions necessary to restore order in a situation of dangerous rule-breaking and anarchy by activists on a futile and pointless excursion to Gaza. The coverage was so uniform not because it related to any kind of reality, but because it was pure propaganda – narrative spin that served not only Israel's interests but that of a western political and media class deeply implicated in Israel's genocide. Arming criminals In another glaring example of this collusion, the western media chose to almost immediately bury what should have been explosive comments last week from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He admitted that Israel has been arming and cultivating close ties with criminal gangs in Gaza. 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That served as the prelude to a double-barrelled Israeli disinformation campaign. Instead of the UN's trusted and wide distribution network across Gaza, the GHF's four "aid hubs" were perfectly designed to advance Israel's genocidal goals These gangs were put in a prime position to loot food from the United Nations' long-established aid distribution system and sell it on the black market. The looting helped Israel falsely claim both that Hamas was stealing aid from the UN and that the international body had proven itself unfit to run humanitarian operations in Gaza. Israel and the US then set about creating a mercenary front group - misleadingly called the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation – to run a sham replacement operation. Instead of the UN's trusted and wide distribution network across Gaza, the GHF's four "aid hubs" were perfectly designed to advance Israel's genocidal goals. They are located in a narrow strip of territory next to the border with Egypt. Palestinians are forced to ethnically cleanse themselves into a tiny area of Gaza - if they are to stand any hope of eating - in preparation for their expulsion into Sinai. They have been herded into a massively congested area without the space or facilities to cope, where the spread of disease is guaranteed, and where they can be more easily massacred by Israeli bombs. Displaced Palestinians return from an aid distribution centre in central Gaza on 8 June 2025 (AFP) An increasingly malnourished population must walk long distances and wait in massive crowds in the heat in the hope of small handouts of food. It is a situation engineered to heighten tensions, and lead to chaos and fighting. All of which provide an ideal pretext for Israeli soldiers to halt "aid distribution" pre-emptively in the interests of 'public safety' and shoot into the crowds to 'neutralise threats', as has happened to lethal effect day after day. The repeated massacres at these "aid hubs" mean that the most vulnerable - those most in need of aid - have been frightened off, leaving gang members like Abu Shabab's to enjoy the spoils. Gaza Humanitarian Foundation: Israel's new model for weaponised aid Amira Nimerawi Read More » And to add insult to injury, Israel has misrepresented its own drone footage of the very criminal gangs it arms, looting aid from trucks and shooting Palestinian aid-seekers as supposed evidence of Hamas stealing food and of the need for Israel to control aid distribution. All of this is so utterly transparent, and repugnant, it is simply astonishing it has not been at the forefront of western coverage as politicians and media worry about how "intolerable the situation" in Gaza has become. Instead, the media has largely taken it as read that Hamas "steals aid". The media has indulged an entirely bogus Israeli-fuelled debate about the need for aid distribution "reform". And the media has equivocated about whether it is Israeli soldiers shooting dead those seeking aid. And, of course, the media has refused to draw the only reasonable conclusion from all of this: that Israel is simply exploiting the chaos it has created to buy time for its starvation campaign to kill more Palestinians. Calibrated warlordism But there is much more at stake. Israel is fattening up these criminal gangs for a grander, future role in what used to be termed the "day after" - until it became all too clear that the period in question would follow the completion of Israel's genocide. It comes as no surprise to any Palestinian to hear confirmation from Netanyahu that Israel has been arming criminal gangs in Gaza, even those with affiliations to Islamic State. It should not surprise any journalist who has spent serious time, as I have, living in a Palestinian community and studying Israel's colonial control mechanisms over Palestinian society. For years, Israel's ultimate vision for the Palestinians - if they cannot be entirely expelled from their historic homeland - has been of carefully calibrated warlordism Palestinian academics have understood for at least two decades – long before Hamas' lethal one-day break-out from Gaza on 7 October 2023 – why Israel has invested so much of its energy in dismantling bit by bit the institutions of Palestinian national identity in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. The goal, they have been telling me and anyone else who would listen, was to leave Palestinian society so hollowed out, so crushed by the rule of feuding criminal gangs, that statehood would become inconceivable. As the Palestinian political analyst Muhammad Shehada observes of what is taking place in Gaza: 'Israel is NOT using [the gangs] to go after Hamas, they're using them to destroy Gaza itself from the inside.' For years, Israel's ultimate vision for the Palestinians - if they cannot be entirely expelled from their historic homeland - has been of carefully calibrated warlordism. Israel would arm a series of criminal families in their geographic heartlands. Each would have enough light arms to terrorise their local populations into submission, and fight neighbouring families to define the extent of their fiefdom. None would have the military power to take on Israel. Instead they would have to compete for Israel's favour- treating it like some inflated Godfather - in the hope of securing an advantage over rivals. In this vision, the Palestinians - one of the most educated populations in the Middle East - are to be driven into a permanent state of civil war and "survival of the fittest" politics. Israel's ambition is to eviscerate Palestinian social cohesion as effectively as it has bombed Gaza's cities "into the Stone Age". Divinely blessed This is a simple story, one that should be all too familiar to European publics if they were educated in their own histories. For centuries, Europeans spread outwards - driven by a supremacist zealotry and a desire for material gain – to conquer the lands of others, to steal resources, and to subordinate, expel and exterminate the natives that stood in their way. For Palestinians, to exist is to resist Israel's war of annihilation Read More » The native people were always dehumanised. They were always barbarians, "human animals", even as we – the members of a supposedly superior civilisation – butchered them, starved them, levelled their homes, destroyed their crops. Our mission of conquest and extermination was always divinely blessed. Our success in eradicating native peoples, our efficiency in killing them, was always proof of our moral superiority. We were always the victims, even while we humiliated, tortured and raped. We were always on the side of righteousness. Israel has simply carried this tradition into the modern era. It has held a mirror up to us and shown that, despite all our grandstanding about human rights, nothing has really changed. There are a few, like Greta Thunberg and the crew of the Madleen, ready to show by example that we can break with the past. We can refuse to dehumanise. We can refuse to collude in industrial savagery. We can refuse to give our consent through silence and inaction. But first we must stop listening to the siren calls of our political leaders and the billionaire-owned media. Only then might we learn what it means to be human. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

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