
Press freedom secured: Kurdistan courts mandate press Law application
Shafaq News/ Press freedom in the Kurdistan Region received a boost as Al-Sulaymaniyah Court of Appeals issued two rulings to strengthen legal protections for journalists, the Metro Center for Journalists' Rights said on Thursday.
The first ruling designated Al-Sulaymaniyah Investigation Court/1 as the sole authority for handling journalist-related cases within the city. This court is now mandated to use Kurdistan Press Law No. 35 of 2007 as the central legal framework when addressing cases involving journalists.
In a second crucial ruling, all media-related cases will be transferred to Al-Sulaymaniyah Misdemeanor Court/6 after the investigation phase. This decision aims to streamline judicial procedures and ensure consistent enforcement of the Press Law in trials concerning journalists.
The court called for the expansion of these procedures to all courts in Kurdistan to ensure a fair legal environment for journalists and reinforce the rule of law.
The rulings followed a pivotal meeting earlier this month, convened by Kurdistan's Deputy Prime Minister Qubad Talabani. The meeting brought together key stakeholders including media institutions, unions, journalists, and representatives from the Metro Center.
A central topic of discussion was the establishment of a specialized judge to exclusively oversee publishing and press-related cases under the Press Law—a proposal that received Talabani's full support. The meeting also raised concerns about some courts applying Iraq's penal code or other unrelated laws, which pose unnecessary legal risks to journalists.
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Memri
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Jordanian MP Expresses Support For Iranian Opposition, Criticizes West For Letting Iranian Regime Oppress Its Own People
In an article published June 24, 2025 on the Saudi website Elaph, titled 'The Iranian People's Struggle for Freedom and Justice,' Jordanian MP Isma'il Al-Mashaqbeh voiced support for the Iranian people's struggle for democracy and against the oppression of the Iranian regime. Al-Mashaqbeh also criticized the West, accusing it of supporting and appeasing the Iranian regime and of curbing the people's resistance against it in order to ensure the regime's survival. It is this appeasement, he argued, that has enabled the Iranian regime to suppress its people and threaten regional stability. To support his claims, he cited statements by Maryam Rajavi, head of the Iranian opposition group National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI),[1] who underscored the Iranian people's aspirations and the vital need for regime change in the country. This is not the first time a Jordanian politician has expressed support for the Iranian opposition. In June 2024, amid Iranian regime efforts to destabilize Jordan and the region at large,[2] Jordanian MP Aisha Al-Hasanat published an article on the Elaph website in which she called for supporting opposition groups in Iran to help them bring down the regime.[3] A few months prior to that, Jordanian diplomat and politician Bassam Al-Amoush – formerly Jordan's ambassador to Iran and minister of parliamentary affairs and administrative development – published an article on the Jordanian website Ammon News in which he criticized Iran's subversive activities in the region, particularly in Jordan. He called on the Jordanian government to establish ties with Iran's ethnic minorities and opposition groups, such as Mojahedin Khalq, in order to pressure the Iranian regime.[4] It should be noted that the Saudi website Elaph is a major platform for articles supporting the Iranian opposition, especially the NCRI, headed by Maryam Rajavi.[5] Isma'il Al-Mashaqbeh (Image: The following are translated excerpts from Al-Mashaqbeh's article.[6] "The Iranian people have suffered for decades under the yoke of tyrannical regimes, first the dictatorship of the Pahlavi dynasty [1925–1979], which was imposed [on Iran] by the West to protect its own interests, and later the mullah regime, which persists [to this day] with similar Western backing. These regimes, which ignored the will of the Iranian people, sparked popular discontent [within Iran] and caused the peoples of the region to feel aversion to a policy that is devoid of wisdom and justice and disregards human values. "Today, the Iranian people persists in its struggle for freedom and democracy, refuses to submit to oppression, and insists on its right to self-determination. This aspiration is manifested in the Iranian people's ongoing uprisings against the mullah regime with the aim of overthrowing it and establishing a democratic national regime that guarantees peace and a dignified existence. "In her June 18, 2025 speech in Strasbourg before the European Parliament, NCRI President Maryam Rajavi presented a clear vision for Iran's future, emphasizing that 'Iran is on the brink of historic change'… and noting that the Iranian people 'is now more committed to change than ever before.' Addressing demonstrators in Berlin and Stockholm, Rajavi stressed that 'our message is clear: the resistance of the Iranian people must be recognized as a liberating force. We say no to negotiations and to leaving the mullah regime [in place], and no to war. [There is] a third option: change led by the Iranian people and its resistance.' She added that 'the prerequisite for peace and security in the region is regime change [in Iran]...' "The Iranian resistance, led by Maryam Rajavi, aspires to establish a democratic republic anchored in the separation of religion and state, gender equality, respect for the rights of ethnic groups and minorities, an independent judiciary, the abolition of the death penalty, and political pluralism. This [vision] also includes a commitment to keeping Iran free of nuclear weapons. Rajavi stressed: 'No one can stop the change and the revolution. The Iranian people's democratic revolution will prevail'… "On the ground, the resistance units have carried out more than 3,000 protest actions over the past year, while the number of executions [carried out by the Iranian regime] since August 2024 exceeds 1,350, which is the highest rate in the world... "The mullah regime has drawn its strength from the support of the West, which not only adopted a conciliatory approach toward it but actively curbed the Iranian resistance in order to ensure this regime's continued survival. This support enabled the regime to suppress the Iranian people and to threaten regional stability. Referring to the war that broke out in the region on June 13, 2025, Rajavi said: 'It is the policy of appeasement that imposed the war. The real solution is regime change by the people and the organized resistance.' She called on the international community to recognize the resistance, comparing its struggle to the Europeans' fight against religious fascism."


Memri
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Africa's 'Second' World War Is Not Winding Down Anytime Soon
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This Jihadist war has so far also spilled over into terrorist attacks in at least eight other countries – Benin, Togo, Chad, Cameroon, Cote d'Ivoire, Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. A second brutal African conflict, in Sudan, is the world's worst humanitarian crisis and threatens to spread to neighboring states. It is not a Jihadist insurgency but rather a civil war between rival branches of the security forces, former allies turned bitter adversaries and supported by different regional powers. The Jihadist Second World War has foreign roots. Most of the Jihadist insurgents have sworn public loyalty to foreign Arab Muslim entities, to either Al-Qaeda or the Islamic State. Two of the principal leaders of the Jihadist insurgency in West Africa, JNIM's Iyad Ag Ghaly and Amadou Koufa, were "radicalized" by foreigners, reportedly by itinerant Pakistani Tablighi Jamaat preachers. When I worked in the State Department a decade ago, Niger's interior minister told me about the problem of foreign preachers, flush with Qatari or Saudi money, appearing and telling Africans that "your Islam, the one you have practiced for the past thousand years, is all wrong." But despite the foreign connections, these Jihadist wars are nothing if not local, relying on local realities and grievances, following local fissures. These insurgencies build upon not only criminal networks – smugglers, cattle rustlers, illicit gold miners, and bandits – but also tribal and ethnic connections. In West Africa, the wars often follow the paths forged by Fulani (or Fula) pastoralists, peoples already in conflict with farmers (Christian, Muslim, and animist) and governments. Fulani are found from Senegal in West Africa to Sudan in East Africa and form important populations in a dozen countries, including some of the worst hit by Jihadist violence: Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. Also "local" is the reality that in many of these countries rival Jihadist groups – usually Al-Qaeda-aligned versus Islamic State-aligned – continue to fight each other in a bloody, continuing situation that actually somewhat blunts these groups' effectiveness against the state. Islamic State official propaganda boasting of attacks on the "Al-Qaeda militia" But while the conflict is similar from West Africa to East and South, with Jihadist insurgents challenging government security forces and targeting civilian populations, not all of these conflicts are the same. All are dangerous, all are challenges to the state, all are aggressive and ambitious and try to spread, but not all of them have the same prospects for long-term success. Of the seven main fronts I have mentioned, the Jihadists are mostly contained in specific regions in three countries – Niger, DRC, and Mozambique. Muslims, from where the insurgents draw their recruits, are a small percentage of the population in the DRC and only slightly larger in Mozambique. And while Niger is a Muslim majority country (98 percent), the Jihadist insurgency so far is limited to the country's far southwest (both Al-Qaeda and Islamic State branches) and far southeast (Boko Haram). It is in Mali, Burkina Faso, Nigeria, and Somalia that the core Jihadist insurgency is most potent and dangerous. No one expects that Boko Haram (or the larger phenomenon of Fulani herders/terrorists preying on mostly Christian farmers) will ever overthrow the state in Nigeria, but the insurgency, instability, and violence that is generated can certainly help to destabilize Africa's most populous country. In Mali, Burkina Faso, and Somalia, the goal is definitely to overthrow the state and that possibility cannot be discounted. Al-Shabab in Somalia has made something of a resurgence in recent years, controls considerable territory and dreams of becoming a force again inside the country's capital. That is not impossible but probably unlikely as the Somali National Army is backed up by African Union (AU) Forces, Turkey, and American drone strikes. So, then Mali and Burkina Faso present the most tempting, promising targets for Jihadist victory where it is conceivable that they could – at least temporarily – be able to seize the state and take its capital. The security situation has been palpably deteriorating in both countries in recent months. Mali, where Jihadists compete with each other, with Tuareg nationalists and with the Russian-backed regime in Bamako, may be too complicated, too difficult of an objective. Burkina Faso looks much more at risk, with about half of the countryside already dominated by Jihadists. It is already the "most terrorist-affected country in the world," a dubious distinction, according to the 2024 Global Terrorism Index. A quarter of all deaths caused by terrorists worldwide were in Burkina Faso. "Sheikh Mujahid" Iyad Ag Ghaly as seen in JNIM's official propaganda outlet Az-Zallaqa. Here it is JNIM, the local al-Qaeda branch, that is most likely to succeed. Jima'a Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (the "Support Group for Islam and Muslims," JNIM) is currently by far the most capable, best-armed, and best-led of all of the rival Jihadist groups in Africa (Al-Shabab and Boko Haram would come second). The group's leaders, the wily veteran Tuareg tribal aristocrat Iyad Ag Ghaly and deputy commander Amadou Koufa, a charismatic ethnic Fulani preacher, were both denounced by the Islamic State as "apostates" for their political flexibility. This seeming pragmatism (and willingness to talk to "unbeliever" media and regimes) is as dangerous as their use of violence. JNIM represents a strategic evolution away from the brutal Algerian dominated days of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) to a broader and looser African alliance, currently led by Malians. The 64-year-old Fulani preacher and JNIM deputy Amadou Koufa Led by Ag Ghaly, dubbed "the strategist," JNIM even avoids using the name of Al-Qaeda. "Support Group [Nusra Group] for Islam and the Muslims" harkens to the original name of what became Syria's new Islamist rulers – the Nusra Front (later called Hay'at Tahrir Al-Sham, (HTS)). Like Abu Muhammad Al-Joulani's Syrian organization, JNIM seems increasingly distant from Al-Qaeda. Inspired by the Qatari-supported examples of the "independent" Jihadist Taliban in Afghanistan and HTS in Syria – different (more national than regional) organizations and very different situations on the ground – JNIM seeks to follow its own ambitious regional path to power. On the surface, it still seems very implausible that JNIM could actually take landlocked Burkina Faso's capital Ouagadougou, a city of over two million people. Yet the inhabitants of Kabul, Mosul, Raqqa, and Damascus once thought the same thing. However, JNIM does not even need to take the city but rather isolate it from the surrounding countryside. And it would be far more difficult to administer such a large urban population than to seize it. Much will depend on the ability of the beleaguered government of Burkina Faso to retake and hold territory lost to JNIM. Burkina Faso's interim president 37-year-old Ibrahim Traore faces a major security challenge The group could also bypass the city and country altogether in its remorseless southern march to the sea and toward the threatened Christian-majority cities and countries on the coast of West Africa. The JNIM-controlled rural regions of Burkina Faso already function as a kind of hub or safe haven for strikes into Benin, Togo, and other littoral states. JNIM's extensive use of swarms of fighters on motorcycles, in addition to the ubiquitous Toyota Hilux, gives them great mobility. Regardless of JNIM's immediate successes or failures in the coming months, the larger phenomenon of Jihadist pressure against fragile or failed states across a vast swathe of Africa will continue. *Alberto M. Fernandez is Vice President of MEMRI.


Shafaq News
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Iraq charges two individuals with sectarian hate
Shafaq News – Baghdad The Offensive Content Committee has filed legal complaints against two individuals for spreading sectarian hatred on social media, Iraq's Ministry of Interior reported on Monday. In a statement, the ministry identified the suspects as Uday Al-Ghariri, a mosque imam (religious prayer leader), and Abdul Hussein Hayal Al-Hatami, a poet. Both now face legal proceedings before the Karkh Investigative Court, which oversees media and publication-related offenses. While the ministry stressed that their posts, though not specified in detail, violated laws designed to protect social harmony, it warned that stoking sectarian tensions threatens national stability, urging Iraqis to avoid sharing or amplifying divisive content.