
How long could Biden have left? Experts reveal bleak prognosis for men with advanced prostate cancer - yet there is hope
Former US president Joe Biden could have less than five years left to live because his prostate cancer is aggressive, has spread and was caught late, data suggests.
The 82-year-old's diagnosis was announced on Sunday, and revealed the disease had been given a Gleason score of nine and had already spread to his bones.
A Gleason score is a system which medics use to grade prostate cancer using samples taken from a biopsy that assess its aggressiveness, how likely it is to grow and spread.
The scale goes up to 10 meaning Biden has received the second-highest potential score.
A result of nine means the cancer looks like it will likely grow and spread at a 'moderately quick rate', according to Prostate Cancer UK.
Studies conducted on thousands of men with the disease show only about one in three of those diagnosed with a Gleason score of 9–10 were alive at the end of a 10-year follow-up.
Of the remainder, almost half had died from the disease, and nearly one in four from other causes like advanced age.
But Biden's cancer has already spread to his bones, implying it is at stage 4.
This is the later stages where the disease has spread to other parts of the body, also known as metastatic cancer.
While Biden's disease has been described as 'stage 5', this typically references a very advanced stage 4.
Data from Cancer Research UK show that only 50 per cent of men diagnosed with stage four prostate cancer are alive five years after their diagnosis.
However, there are overall statistics covering men of all ages who are diagnosed at this stage.
Biden, being in his 80s, will face additional challenges relating to his age.
Of all prostate cancer deaths recorded in the UK of all stages the vast majority (75 per cent) are among men aged 75 and over.
Ben Lamb, a consultant urological surgeon, Barts Health and University College London Hospitals NHS Foundation Trusts said cases of prostate cancer like Biden's account for the minority of cases.
'Most prostate cancer, around four fifths, in the UK is diagnosed before it is metastatic, with one fifth diagnosed with metastatic disease,' he said.
He added that most cases of late diagnosis are linked to 'deprivation, ethnicity and older men'.
Mr Lamb added that in cases like Biden's the go-to option for treatment is typically hormone therapy to stop the spread of the cancer.
'Prostate cancer depends on testosterone to grow, and by blocking testosterone production and action, the cancer can be effectively treated but not cured.
'Additional modern hormone drugs (known as ARTA's) are given in addition, and these are known to prolong survival. Chemotherapy can also be given.'
He added that, for most men the first symptom they notice is problems urinating, but this in the early stages.
Biden had recently reported urinary problems, a known red flag for the disease.
As the disease advances, patients like Biden will face additional problems caused by their growing cancer, Mr Lamb added.
'In later stage disease, some men may have symptoms from metastatic disease, such as fatigue, bone pain or weight loss,' he said.
'Lymph node spread can cause blockage of the kidneys with renal failure and leg swelling.
'If the prostate tumour is large, it can cause bladder symptoms, though in most men in general, these are from benign enlargement of the prostate as men age.'
Several medics have questioned how Mr Biden's cancer could have been caught so late, given his age means he is at advanced risk of the disease and it can be screened for by routine blood tests.
'It is inconceivable that this was not being followed before he left the Presidency,' wrote Dr Howie Forman, a professor of radiology and biomedical imaging, public health management and economics at Yale.
He noted that the test for prostate-specific antigen would have shown he had cancer 'for some time before this diagnosis', given how aggressive it is.
About 55,000 British men and more than 300,000 in the US are diagnosed with prostate cancer each year.
Survival from the disease has vastly improved over time thanks to screening, increased awareness of symptoms and better treatments.
In the 70s only a quarter of men were expected to survive a year after their diagnosis.
However, this has now increased to around 80 per cent.
Generally, cancer is easiest to treat if caught in the earlier stages and patients tend to have better outcomes.
Due to the prostate's location—the gland is situated below the bladder, and wraps around the urethra—it most commonly causes urinary symptoms.
If a man notices these, it;s important to speak to a GP and discuss whether something called a PSA test might be warranted.
PSA stands for prostate specific antigen, a hormone that's produced by the prostate in higher amounts if there is a problem with the gland.
One of the most common signs something is wrong with the prostate is a change in urinary frequency.
While the amount people urinate can vary widely—anything between four and ten or so times can be seen as normal—it's a noticeable increase that experts say men need to be aware of.
Sudden urges—needing to rush to the loo—may also be a sign of a problem.
This could be coupled with difficulty in starting to pee, known medically as hesitancy.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Mail
22 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
The REAL reason you feel bloated and gassy - and how you can tackle it for good: Dietitian and scientist DR EMILY LEEMING
Do you often feel painfully bloated by the end of the day? Are you frequently gassy? If the answer is yes then there's a good chance you have been told it's irritable bowel syndrome (IBS) – but there could be another underlying reason for your symptoms that's often missed. Research, such as a study published in the Journal of Gastroenterology in 2020, has found that as many as half of those diagnosed with IBS also have small intestinal bacterial overgrowth (SIBO).


The Independent
31 minutes ago
- The Independent
Republican lawmaker with ectopic pregnancy nearly died amid new Florida abortion laws – but blames the left
Florida Republican Rep. Kat Cammack has revealed that she almost died last year as a result of her state's six-week abortion ban, which left hospital staff reluctant to treat her ectopic pregnancy for fear of criminal prosecution. Speaking to The Wall Street Journal, Cammack, 37, reported her experiences in an unnamed Florida hospital's emergency room on May 31 2024 when it was discovered that there was no way for her baby's embryo to survive and that her own life was in danger without action. A doctor discovered the embryo implanted where the fallopian tube meets the uterus, a cornual ectopic pregnancy, and frankly told the representative: 'If this ruptures, it'll kill you.' But after deciding against surgery, the facility's doctors and nurses had to be persuaded to give her the shot of methotrexate she required to expel the pregnancy. That was because the state's six-week ban had come into effect at the start of that month, causing staff to fear they could lose their medical licenses and be sent to jail if they gave her the drug, which blocks the flow of folic acid to the embryo to prevent its growth. Cammack was only five weeks pregnant at the time, the embryo had no heartbeat and her own safety was in jeopardy, but nevertheless the congresswoman found herself forced to pull up the letter of the law on her phone to argue the case and even put in a call to Governor Ron DeSantis, without being able to reach him, before staff relented and came to her aid. Florida regulators have since issued new guidelines to clarify the situation and Cammack, who is pro-life and opposes abortion except in case of rape and incest or when the mother's life is at risk, is pregnant again and due in August. But surprisingly, given her ordeal, the representative does not feel the law itself is at fault and instead blames Democrats for scaring medical professionals into confusion over their responsibilities. 'It was absolute fearmongering at its worst,' Cammack told the Journal while acknowledging that reproductive rights activists might draw the opposite conclusion from her story. 'There will be some comments like, 'Well, thank God we have abortion services,' even though what I went through wasn't an abortion,' she said. Cammack also conceded that the heated political atmosphere surrounding the issue in recent years has not served to put the best interests of expectant mothers first. 'I would stand with any woman – Republican or Democrat – and fight for them to be able to get care in a situation where they are experiencing a miscarriage and an ectopic pregnancy,' she said. 'We have turned the conversation about women's healthcare into two camps: pink hats and pink ribbons. It's either breast cancer or abortion.' She said it was vital that women lead the debate on reproductive rights among House Republicans because men outnumber them six to one within their caucus, also reporting that one of her male colleagues 'almost sunk under the table' when she mentioned breastfeeding in a recent conversation. Dr. Alison Haddock, president of the American College of Emergency Physicians, told the Journal it is becoming common for doctors in states that have restricted abortion access to worry 'whether their clinical judgment will stand should there be any prosecution.' 'This has been a real stress point for a lot of our physicians,' she said. Molly Duane, a senior attorney at the Center for Reproductive Rights, took issue with Cammack's argument that pro-choice activists were to blame for sowing confusion, pointing out that Florida's regulators had made it clear they intended to aggressively enforce their six-week ban while also failing to define ectopic pregnancy within the legislation.


The Guardian
35 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Republican senators' proposed Medicaid cuts threaten to send red states ‘backwards'
Advocates are urging Senate Republicans to reject a proposal to cut billions from American healthcare to extend tax breaks that primarily benefit the wealthy and corporations. The proposal would make historic cuts to Medicaid, the public health insurance program for low-income and disabled people that covers 71 million Americans, and is the Senate version of the 'big beautiful bill' act, which contains most of Donald Trump's legislative agenda. 'With the text released earlier this week, somehow the Senate made the House's 'big, bad budget bill' worse in many ways,' said Anthony Wright, the executive director of Families USA, a consumer healthcare advocacy group, in a press call. The Senate's version makes deeper cuts to Medicaid and so-called Obamacare (Affordable Care Act) plans, 'both by expanding paperwork requirements and making it harder for states to fund Medicaid coverage for their residents', said Wright. If passed, the House-passed bill would have already made the biggest cuts to Medicaid since the program's enactment in 1965. With red tape and an expiration of additional healthcare subsidies to Obamacare, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated that the House version would leave 16 million people without health insurance by 2034. CBO has not yet released estimates, or 'scored', the impact of the Senate proposal, but advocates and experts said the cuts are more draconian, 'punish' states that expanded Medicaid, and attack Medicaid by going after its byzantine financing structures. 'If we look at the big picture of our healthcare system that's where the inefficiencies are – not in Medicaid – but in all the groups profiting off the system,' said David Machledt, a senior policy analyst at the National Health Law Program, referring to Republicans' assertions that they are targeting 'waste, fraud and abuse' with cuts. 'What these cuts are going to do is look at the most cost-efficient program and squeeze it further, and take us backwards, and put us back at a system where the people at the low end are literally dying to fund these tax cuts for rich people and businesses.' A recent study found that expanding Medicaid, as was done during the Obama administration, probably saved an additional 27,400 lives over a 12-year period, and did so cheaper than other insurance programs. The same study found that about a quarter of the difference in life expectancy between low- and high-income Americans is due to lack of health insurance. Republicans, such as Senator John Thune of South Dakota, argue that their bill 'protects' Medicaid by 'removing people who should not be on the rolls', including working-age adults, legal and undocumented immigrants; by adding work requirements and by going after a tax maneuver states use to bring in more federal Medicaid funding. 'Removing these individuals is just basic, good governance,' said Thune. But experts and advocates argue the cuts will not only remove the targeted individuals, including many who are working but struggle to get through red tape, but will also place states in impossible situations with potentially multibillion-dollar shortfalls in their budgets. Both versions contain so-called work requirements, which analyses show will cause people to lose coverage even if they are eligible, experts said. Instead, the largest difference between the Senate and House versions of the bill is the Senate's attack on Medicaid's complex financing arrangements. Medicaid is jointly financed by states and the federal government, making it simultaneously one of states' largest expenditures and sources of revenue. The Senate's version specifically attacks two ways states finance Medicaid, through provider taxes and state-directed payments. With a provider tax, states bring in additional federal revenue by increasing payments to providers. Because the federal portion of Medicaid is based on a percentage rate, increasing payments to providers in turn increases the amount that federal officials pay the state. States then tax those same providers, such as hospitals, to bring the funding back to the state. Although this maneuver has been criticized, it has also now been used for decades. It's in place in every state except for Alaska, is legal and openly discussed. The Senate bill caps this manuever by cutting the tax rate by about half, from 6% to 3.5%, according to Machledt. In a 2024 analysis, the Congressional Research Service estimated that lowering the provider tax cap to 2.5% would effectively cut $241bn from Medicaid payments to states. Although the exact impacts of the Senate tax cap are not yet known, Machledt expects it would be in the billions, which states would then be under pressure to make up. 'We took great pains to close a $1.1bn shortfall caused by rising healthcare costs,' said the Colorado state treasurer, Dave Young, in a press call. 'To protect healthcare and education, we had to cut transportation projects, maternal health programs and even $1m in aid to food banks.' Because of taxing provisions in Colorado's state constitution, Young said: 'It will be nearly impossible to raise taxes or borrow money to make up the difference.' Similarly, the Senate bill goes after 'state-directed payments'. To understand state-directed payments, it's helpful to understand a big picture, and often hidden, aspect of American healthcare – health insurance pays providers different rates for the same service. Providers are almost universally paid the worst for treating patients who have Medicaid. Medicare pays roughly the cost of providing care, although many doctors and hospitals complain it is still too little. Commercial insurance pays doctors and hospitals most handsomely. To encourage more providers to accept Medicaid, lawmakers in some states have chosen to pay providers treating Medicaid patients additional funds. In West Virginia, a federally approved plan allows the state to pay providers more for certain populations. In North Carolina, state-directed payments allow the state to pay hospitals rates equal to the average commercial insurance rate, if they agree to medical debt forgiveness provisions. The first state-directed payment plan was approved in 2018, under the first Trump administration. These kinds of payments were criticized by the Government Accountability Office during the Biden administration. However, the Senate bill goes after these rates by tying them to Medicaid expansion – a central tenet of Obamacare – and gives stricter limits to the 41 states that expanded the program. Doing this will effectively be 'punishing them', Machledt said, referring to states that participated in this key provision of Obamacare, 'by limiting the way they can finance'. Advocates also warned of unintended knock-on effects from such enormous disruption. Medical debt financing companies are already readying new pitches to hospitals. Even people who don't lose their insurance and are not insured through Medicaid could see prices increase. When Medicaid is cut, hospital emergency rooms are still obliged to provide stabilizing care to patients, even if they can't pay. Hospitals must then make up that shortfall somewhere, and the only payers they can negotiate with are commercial: for example, the private health insurance most people in the US rely on. 'Folks who do not lose their health insurance will see increased costs,' said Leslie Frane, the executive vice-president of SEIU, a union that represents about 2 million members, including in healthcare. 'Your copays are going to go up, your deductibles are going to go up, your bills are going to go up.' Republicans hope to pass the bill by 4 July.