U.S. to end TPS for Haitians on Sept. 2; Florida to feel brunt of Trump crackdown
Florida will feel the brunt of the June 27 Trump administration order to revoke Temporary Protected Status for half a million Haitians living in the United States as of Sept. 2, leaving them undocumented and at risk of deportation.
Over 128,000 Haitians with TPS live in Florida and have jobs in health care, hospitality, agriculture and construction, industries already facing steep labor shortages.
The Department of Homeland Security announced on June 27 that the current TPS designation for Haiti set to end on Aug. 3 will officially be terminated on Tuesday, Sept. 2.
DHS argued conditions in Haiti had improved and no longer met the conditions to grant Temporary Protected Status, which allows people from specific countries to live and work in the United States and avoid deportation.
Long troubled by poverty, political corruption and violence, Haiti is going though one of its worst moments of unrest, with gangs controlling many of the areas in the capital Port Au Prince. Most Haitians in the United States say they don't have a safe place to return to if they have to go back to the Caribbean nation, which is 750 miles from Miami.
'They are hopeless': Haitian immigrants face deportation to violence, poverty they fled
Temporary Protected Status is a humanitarian designation given to people from specific countries that are suffering from armed conflict, a natural disaster or other "extraordinary and temporary" conditions that make returning home unsafe.
President Barack Obama extended it to thousands of Haitians in the wake of the 2010 earthquake.
It allows people covered by it to live and work in the United States, but they are not considered permanent residents, nor do they have a pathway either to permanent residency or citizenship.
In order to obtain TPS, immigrants must pass a full background check and they may not have any previous felony convictions or two or more misdemeanors.
Having Temporary Protected Status allows people to get a driver's license and receive a Social Security number, a requirement to work legally in the United States, and to file taxes, but they do not have access to any federal public benefits, including Social Security benefits.
The designation prevents people from being deported to their native countries.
About one-third of all 1.1 million TPS holders live in Florida, of which 59% are Venezuelan and 35% are Haitians, according to a 2024 report by the federal government.
Many Haitian TPS holders have lived in the Sunshine State for over a decade. They have jobs as nurses in hospitals and in senior living facilities; as cooks servers and cleaning staff in restaurants in hotels; as farm workers in the fields; and as day laborer in construction sites.
Many of them are now parents to U.S.-born children. Some are homeowners and others run small businesses.
According to the DHS order, all 500,000 Haitians with TPS living in the United States would loose their legal status and their ability to work. Without TPS, they can also be deported to Haiti.
The decision is the latest blow from the Trump administration to Haitians living in the United States.
On May 30, DHS moved to end a humanitarian parole program for half a million immigrants including 210,000 Haitians. Parole is granted to people dealing with persecution or family or medical emergencies. They need a sponsor in the United States who can support them financially.
This month, Trump announced a travel ban to and from Haiti, along with several other nations.
Valentina Palm covers Royal Palm Beach, Wellington, Greenacres, Palm Springs and other western communities in Palm Beach County for The Palm Beach Post. Email her at vpalm@pbpost.com and follow her on X, the platform formerly known as Twitter, at @ValenPalmB. Support local journalism: Subscribe today.
This article originally appeared on Palm Beach Post: U.S. to end TPS for Haitians on Sept. 2; More than 128,000 affected
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
23 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Court Fans Fear of State Patchwork in Birthright Citizenship
(Bloomberg) -- A US Supreme Court ruling is stoking fears that the babies of many noncitizen parents could be treated differently depending on the state in which they're born, as legal challenges unfold against President Donald Trump's order ending birthright citizenship. Philadelphia Transit System Votes to Cut Service by 45%, Hike Fares US Renters Face Storm of Rising Costs Squeezed by Crowds, the Roads of Central Park Are Being Reimagined Sprawl Is Still Not the Answer Mapping the Architectural History of New York's Chinatown The justices didn't rule on the constitutionality of Trump's restrictions. But in a divided decision Friday, they paused nationwide injunctions in three cases that had blocked the policy from taking effect. That opens a potential path for Trump's ban on birthright citizenship to be enforced in the 28 states where no court order to block it is currently in place, many of them Republican strongholds from Texas to Florida and Wyoming to Oklahoma. State officials and legal experts warn the arrangement could lead to a patchwork quilt of outcomes, in which the children of people in the US unlawfully or on temporary visas would be recognized as citizens in some states but not in others. 'What we have is an unworkable mess that will leave thousands of babies in an untenable legal limbo,' said Connecticut Attorney General William Tong, who joined officials from 21 other Democratic-led states in suing to block the order. 'Will babies born in Connecticut have different citizenship rights than those born in Texas or Florida?' Nothing will change immediately — the justices said Trump's restrictions can't take effect for 30 days. Much will be in flux during that period as lower courts revise their rulings to align with the new precedent set by the high court. Justices also left open an avenue for opponents to continue trying to block Trump's order through a class action lawsuit. And they left key questions unanswered about the scope of relief that certain challengers — particularly individual states — are entitled to receive. Trump celebrated Friday's ruling as a 'monumental victory.' His administration has long sought to limit the ability of a single judge to block a federal policy across the country. Organizations including the American Civil Liberties Union, Democracy Defenders Fund and CASA Inc. have sued to block his order on birthright citizenship. They're already adjusting their legal strategy in light of the Supreme Court ruling, refiling their cases as class action lawsuits and seeking fresh court orders to block Trump's policy while their lawsuits proceed. 'Every court to have looked at this cruel order agrees that it is unconstitutional,' Cody Wofsy, deputy director of the ACLU's Immigrants' Rights Project and lead attorney in this case, said in a statement. 'The Supreme Court's decision did not remotely suggest otherwise, and we are fighting to make sure President Trump cannot trample on the citizenship rights of a single child.' Litigation will also proceed in cases filed by the 22 Democratic-led states that sued to block the order. Those states are Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. Amanda Frost, a law professor at the University of Virginia, emphasized the legal uncertainty and said lower courts will now have to determine the scope of relief available to states that sued in order to avoid running afoul of the Supreme Court. 'There's lots of unanswered questions,' she said. Some state attorneys general said language in Justice Amy Coney Barrett's majority opinion leaves open the possibility that the states could still successfully argue for a nationwide order. 'The rights guaranteed by the US Constitution belong to everyone in this country, not just those whose state attorneys general had the courage to stand up to this president's anti-democratic agenda,' California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement. 'We remain hopeful that the courts will see that a patchwork of injunctions is unworkable.' America's Top Consumer-Sentiment Economist Is Worried How to Steal a House Inside Gap's Last-Ditch, Tariff-Addled Turnaround Push Apple Test-Drives Big-Screen Movie Strategy With F1 Luxury Counterfeiters Keep Outsmarting the Makers of $10,000 Handbags ©2025 Bloomberg L.P. Erreur lors de la récupération des données Connectez-vous pour accéder à votre portefeuille Erreur lors de la récupération des données Erreur lors de la récupération des données Erreur lors de la récupération des données Erreur lors de la récupération des données

Washington Post
39 minutes ago
- Washington Post
Trump says he will move aggressively to undo nationwide blocks on his agenda
An emboldened Trump administration plans to move aggressively to challenge blocks on the president's top priorities, a White House official said, following a major Supreme Court ruling that limits the power of federal judges to issue nationwide injunctions. Government attorneys will press judges to pare back the dozens of sweeping rulings thwarting the president's agenda 'as soon as possible,' said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal deliberations.
Yahoo
40 minutes ago
- Yahoo
The Supreme Court Put Nationwide Injunctions to the Torch
The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Yesterday, in a 6–3 decision in Trump v. Casa, the United States Supreme Court sided with the Trump administration in a case involving an executive order that purports to eliminate birthright citizenship. Confusingly, the Court's decision wasn't about the constitutionality of the birthright-citizenship order. Instead, the case proceeded on the assumption that the order was unconstitutional. The only question for the justices was about remedy: What kind of relief should federal courts provide when a plaintiff successfully challenges a government policy? The lower courts had, in several birthright-citizenship cases across the country, entered what are known as 'universal' or 'nationwide' injunctions. These injunctions prevented the executive order from applying to anyone, anywhere—even if they were not a party to the case. The Trump administration argued that nationwide injunctions were inappropriate and impermissible—injunctions should give relief only to the plaintiffs who brought the lawsuit, no one else. In a majority opinion by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the Supreme Court sided with the Trump administration and put nationwide injunctions to the torch. That's a big deal. Not only does it represent a major setback to the states and advocacy groups that brought the lawsuit, it also amounts to a revolution in the remedial practices of the lower federal courts. [Nicholas Bagley: The birthright-citizenship case isn't really about birthright citizenship] But it is not, as the dissenting Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson would have it, 'an existential threat to the rule of law.' It won't even mean the end of sweeping injunctions in the lower federal courts. To the contrary, the opinion suggests that relief tantamount to a nationwide injunction will still be available in many cases—including, in all likelihood, in the birthright-citizenship case itself. Barrett's opinion for the Court begins and ends with history. In 1789, the first Congress gave the federal courts jurisdiction over 'all suits … in equity.' That conferral of authority allowed the courts to grant equitable remedies, one of which is the injunction. But that grant of power was not originally understood to give courts the power to enter injunctions extending beyond the parties to the suit—still less to cover the whole nation. Instead, the courts hewed to a more traditional conception of judicial power. They sat to resolve disputes among parties, nothing more. That tradition held sway for more than 200 years. It only started to break down in the late 20th century as courts grew more comfortable with universal relief and became more concerned about executive overreach. By the time President Barack Obama took office, nationwide injunctions had become commonplace. For Barrett, the novelty was enough on its own to condemn the practice. 'The universal injunction was conspicuously nonexistent for most of our Nation's history,' she wrote. 'Its absence from 18th- and 19th-century equity practice settles the question of judicial authority.' The federal courts thus lack the power to issue nationwide injunctions. Period. Full stop. In my book, that's a positive development. In 2020 testimony to the Judiciary Committee of the U.S. Senate, I argued that nationwide injunctions 'enable opportunistic behavior by politically motivated litigants and judges, short-circuit a process in which multiple judges address hard legal questions, and inhibit the federal government's ability to do its work. By inflating the judicial role, they also reinforce the sense that we ought to look to the courts for salvation from our political problems—a view that is difficult to square with basic principles of democratic self-governance.' Although the Supreme Court divided along partisan lines, with the liberal justices dissenting, I don't see this as a partisan issue. (The outrageous illegality and sheer ugliness of President Donald Trump's executive order that lies underneath this fight may go some distance to explain why the three liberals dissented.) Nationwide injunctions are equal-opportunity offenders, thwarting Republican and Democratic initiatives alike. Today, it's Trump's birthright-citizenship order and USAID spending freezes. Yesterday it was mifepristone, the cancellation of student debt, and a COVID-vaccine mandate. Why should one federal judge—perhaps a very extreme judge, on either side—have the power to dictate government policy for the entire country? Good riddance. Even as it ended nationwide injunctions, the Supreme Court left the door open for other forms of relief that are not nationwide injunctions—but that look a whole lot like them. That's good news for opponents of the birthright-citizenship order. First, Barrett confirmed the equitable principle that the federal courts can award 'complete relief' to plaintiffs, even if that relief also incidentally protects third parties. She uses the example of a lawsuit in which 'one neighbor sues another for blasting loud music at all hours of the night.' An order that tells the noisy neighbor to stop would also help others on the block. That's totally okay. Barrett even signals that the principle of complete relief might—might!—support an injunction that applies nationwide. The state plaintiffs, led by New Jersey, argued that they needed the order frozen across the whole country because people are mobile. If someone's citizenship blinks on and off depending on whether they entered a state that was or wasn't subject to a judicial injunction, states such as New Jersey would struggle to administer burdensome and confusing rules governing citizenship in their state programs. The Court didn't say that the state plaintiffs were entitled to an injunction that covered the whole country. But it didn't rule it out either. Instead, the Court punted—'we decline to take up these arguments in the first instance'—and told the lower federal courts to resolve the question. Second, Barrett clarified that parties who want expansive relief can still file a class action. Not every putative group of plaintiffs will be eligible to form a class: Under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, class actions are appropriate (and thus can be 'certified') only when certain conditions are met, including that class members are making very similar legal or factual claims. What's more, the Court has tightened those restrictions in recent decades. But class actions will be available in a substantial number of cases challenging government action. That's certainly the case when it comes to the birthright-citizenship order, which harms hundreds of thousands of people in identical ways. The Court has also confirmed recently that class-wide injunctions can be secured even before a class is certified—which is to say, right at the outset of proceedings. Third, the Supreme Court declined to take up the Trump administration's request to reconsider rules governing 'associational standing.' Those rules allow an association to sue on behalf of all of its members—even if the association has hundreds of thousands of such members. (One of the plaintiffs in the birthright-citizenship case, CASA, has more than 155,000 members.) The persistence of associational standing will give large membership organizations the ability to secure relief that extends very widely—so widely, in fact, that the administration may be left with no practical choice except to put its policy on hold across the whole country. Fourth, and finally, the Supreme Court left open the possibility that nationwide relief would still be available in lawsuits that challenge government action under the Administrative Procedure Act. As I explained for this magazine two years ago, 'as nationwide injunctions get a bad odor, 'universal vacatur' under the APA is taking its place.' The APA wasn't at issue in the birthright-citizenship case, but it's central to the large majority of lawsuits that challenge government policy. If nationwide injunctions are dead, but universal vacatur is alive, then Trump v. CASA will only rarely make a difference on the ground. All of which is to say that the end of nationwide injunctions is unlikely to usher in a new era of judicial minimalism and restraint. Nor will it massively curtail litigants' ability to protect their rights. That shouldn't be surprising. Nationwide injunctions are a symptom of a legal culture that affords judges a central role in American policy making. Without changing that legal culture, and the many different laws and doctrines that underwrite it, any single change—even one as significant as ending nationwide injunctions—will yield only a modest course correction. [Amanda Frost: The question the Trump administration couldn't answer about birthright citizenship] That's not to diminish the importance of Trump v. CASA. Ending nationwide injunctions will matter in some cases, some of the time. Perhaps most important, the case represents a stark rejection of a conception of the judiciary as a free-roving expositor of federal law. That may, in time, orient judges to a healthier understanding of their (limited) role in our constitutional system. It would be easy to read Trump v. CASA as a victory for the defenders of the executive order ending birthright citizenship. I think that would be a mistake. On this, I agree with Samuel Bray, the University of Chicago law professor who led the academic attack on universal injunctions and whom Barrett cites in her opinion more than a dozen times: 'I do not expect the President's executive order on birthright citizenship will ever go into effect.' Why? Because the flagrantly unconstitutional order is a prime candidate for expansive relief that is not a nationwide injunction. Barrett closed her opinion with an instruction that the lower courts 'move expeditiously' to rewrite their injunctions while keeping in mind the principle that injunctive relief typically provides plaintiffs with complete relief. That's one avenue for a broad injunction. She likewise clarified that the Court's decision would not take effect for 30 days, affording advocacy groups an opportunity to file class actions and seek immediate relief. That's another. It's remotely possible that the birthright-citizenship order will take effect in some states and will affect some people after those 30 days. But I doubt it. Even if it does, I'd expect the Supreme Court to invalidate it in relatively short order. For all its breadth, Trump v. CASA won't meaningfully set back the fight to preserve birthright citizenship. It matters much more for what it says about federal judicial power—even if what it says is somewhat ambivalent. Article originally published at The Atlantic