Opinion - The Supreme Court can remove barriers to educational freedom
'I will always protect Oklahoma's parents and their right to choose what is best for their child, especially when it comes to their education.'
This proud statement adorned Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond's Facebook page during National School Choice Week this year. Indeed, Drummond has put action behind these words, notably by supporting the right of parents to be informed by school officials if their children are struggling with their biological sex. Oklahoma also has one of the strongest parental rights laws in the country — a law that Drummond was elected to uphold.
However, the attorney general has fallen short of his promise in one major case that is set for oral arguments at the U.S. Supreme Court today — a case with huge ramifications for school choice in all states.
In Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond, Drummond suppressed educational freedom by suing to cancel the state's charter school board agreement with St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School.
As a result of this lawsuit — and the Oklahoma Supreme Court's decision against the charter school board — parental rights are being limited when it comes to educational choices for their children.
This comes at a time when laws supporting parental rights are on a major upswing at the state and federal level. There are currently 21 states with parental rights laws on the books. And in January, Sens. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and James Lankford (R-Okla.) and Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.), introduced the Families' Rights and Responsibilities Act to protect parents' right to direct the upbringing, education and health care of their children from infringement by the federal government.
Many of our nation's leaders recognize the importance of safeguarding the authority of parents as the primary decision-makers when it comes to how their children are raised — including where they are educated.
Although Oklahoma has strong protections for parental rights, it also has a law on the books that prohibits state funding for 'sectarian purposes.' Drummond's predecessor, John O'Connor, rightly advised the state charter school board that the law was unconstitutional, in light of Supreme Court precedent that allows public funds to go to religious institutions — including a Supreme Court decision that tackled the very issue at the heart of Oklahoma's law: Blaine amendments.
In the 1870s, Rep. James Blaine (R-Maine) launched a nearly successful attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution to keep states from aiding so-called 'sectarian' schools — really just a thinly veiled and bigoted attempt to keep states from funding Catholic schools. Although the amendment fortunately failed, other states took the lead and added Blaine amendments to their state constitutions — Montana being one, Oklahoma another.
Montana's application of its Blaine amendment to prohibit parents from using school choice funds to send their children to religious schools was ruled unconstitutional in 2020 — a ruling that informed the former Oklahoma attorney general's opinion that the charter school board was well within its rights to contract with St. Isidore.
Aside from anti-Catholic bias, the Supreme Court has long stood for the ability of parents to make educational decisions for their kids. In the 1920s, the court struck down a Nebraska law that prohibited schools from teaching German even in schools where parents wanted it (motivated by anti-German sentiments after World War I). The court rightly recognized that law interfered with the interest of parents choosing what education they want for their children — and here we are, more than 100 years later, asking the same question.
Alliance Defending Freedom, where I serve as senior counsel and the director of the Center for Public Policy, will appear on behalf of the Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board at the Supreme Court on April 30. We will argue these anti-educational-freedom laws should be left in the history books, along with the others against which the court has ruled.
Oklahoma and other states like it have many pro-family qualities, but in order for them to be consistently pro-family, the court should remove the barriers to parental choice in education.
Matt Sharp is senior counsel and director for the Center for Public Policy with Alliance Defending Freedom.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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That's exactly why some ultra-Orthodox don't want their children to serve. 'It mixes together people with very different backgrounds, very different ideas, some people with very immoral ideas,' said Rabbi Ephraim Luft, 66, from the ultra-Orthodox stronghold of Bnei Barak. Luft said the community's dedication to upholding Jewish commandments protects the country as much as military service. 'Over thousands of years, the Jewish people have stood very strongly against any kind of decrees to force them to give up their religion, they've given up their lives for this,' Luft said. 'People have to understand there' Why would ultra-Orthodox parties want to bring down the government? Two parties belonging to the Haredim, or 'God-fearing' in Hebrew, are essential to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition. Both would need to vote to dissolve the government to force new elections, including Shas, which has traditionally been more supportive of Netanyahu. On Monday, a Shas spokesperson told an ultra-Orthodox radio program the party currently plans to vote in favor of dissolution, unless there is a breakthrough in negotiations. The other party, Degel HaTorah, has been threatening to leave the government since last week. 'Basically, they don't really care about the war and the economic situation of the state and anything else but their communal interest. And the focus of this communal interest is getting the exemption from serving in the army," said Shuki Friedman, an expert on religion and state affairs and vice president of the Jewish People Policy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank. Friedman and other experts say the current system is unsustainable. With its high birthrate, the ultra-Orthodox are the fastest-growing segment of Israel's population, at about 4% annually. Each year, roughly 13,000 ultra-Orthodox men reach the conscription age of 18, but less than 10% enlist, according to parliament's State Control Committee, which held a hearing examining the issue. The shock of the Oct. 7 attack appeared to ignite some enthusiasm among the ultra-Orthodox to serve, but no large enlistment materialized. The army has repeatedly declined to comment on the ultra-Orthodox enlistment rate. What happens if parliament is dissolved? If the dissolution vote passes, it still faces a series of bureaucratic steps, including additional votes, that the government would likely drag on for weeks or months, said Gayil Talshir, a political science professor at Hebrew University. 'It will be like a gun that's been put into position, but that doesn't mean the coalition is over,' she said. Elections in Israel are currently scheduled for the fall of 2026. Both Talshir and Friedman believe it's unlikely the dissolution vote will pass Wednesday. If one ultra-Orthodox party is absent, the vote will not pass and another cannot be brought for six months, Talshir said. However, there's also a 'valid possibility' the rabbis who advise the ultra-Orthodox parties will say they've waited long enough for a draft exemption law, because they are facing enormous pressure from their communities, Friedman said. The army has issued thousands of draft notices to the ultra-Orthodox community, and those who refuse to serve can face arrest. While only around a dozen have been arrested after being stopped for trying to leave the country or for traffic violations, the fear this has inspired is significant, he added. What impact does this have on the war in Gaza and the hostage crisis? Netanyahu frequently cites the ongoing war as a reason why Israel needs to provide a united front against its enemies. While the ultra-Orthodox parties remain part of the coalition, they want the war to end as quickly as possible, Talshir said. 'The Haredim think once the war is over, the pressure will be off them and they will be able to get their (military) exemption law,' she said.