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‘We need USMCA': Auto suppliers face distress from Trump tariffs

‘We need USMCA': Auto suppliers face distress from Trump tariffs

Miami Herald17-05-2025

SOUTHFIELD, Michigan - Working to have the U.S. government honor conditions of the United States-Mexico-Canada trade agreement is a top priority for the vehicle suppliers' lobbying trade group, the association's leaders said Friday.
"For the U.S. to be globally competitive, we need USMCA," Paul McCarthy, president-elect of MEMA and president of its aftermarket suppliers group, said before the Automotive Press Association.
Supplier outlooks are down among MEMA's more than 1,000 members. Three quarters are expecting worse financial performances in 2025 than they had anticipated coming into 2025. With their median break-even point expected to be North American production of 14.5 million vehicles this year, up from 14 million because of tariffs, the industry is in a precarious position: Data firm S&P Global Mobility was predicting production at 13.9 million to 14.3 million ahead of President Donald Trump offering some relief measures late last month.
"This is an industry under pressure, and our strategies, our investments are on hold, and that's not a good thing for what is the largest manufacturing sector in the U.S.," McCarthy said, noting suppliers contribute 2.5% of U.S. economic activity.
Auto suppliers still are navigating a bunch of tariffs: President Donald Trump has instituted import taxes of 25% on steel and aluminum, 25% on certain auto parts and at least 10% on imports from most countries around the world with some of the heaviest on Canada and Mexico, where vehicle supply chains even for U.S.-produced vehicles are tightly woven.
About 71% of imported materials and components used by MEMA's members are USMCA-compliant, and MEMA is providing resources to help more become compliant to avoid 25% tariffs.
"We've all invested for the last 20 or 30 years into the North America supply chain," said Collin Shaw, president of MEMA's original equipment suppliers group, "and every country in USMCA offers something unique and has something to bring to the table to ensure that, from a competitiveness standpoint, we can compete with the rest of the world."
He emphasized suppliers have added 61,000 U.S. manufacturing and salaried jobs in the years since Trump signed USMCA in 2020.
"That is aligned with the administration's goals," McCarthy said, "that a strong U.S. requires a strong region to be competitive again."
Although there are signs there should be strong auto demand as the average age of vehicles on the road increases, Shaw said, more than half of MEMA members report they are less competitive because of the tariff situation, and 53% are worried about sub-tier supplier distress as tariffs raise costs and are expected to increase vehicle prices.
"New orders are down, and costs remain elevated," said Mike Jackson, MEMA's executive director of research and insights, "and this is a very tough situation for the supplier industry."
Of MEMA members, 7% said they have implemented furloughs, 5% have instituted temporary wage reductions, 43% have delayed capital expenditure spending, 38% have restricted travel and 15% have taken other actions because of tariffs.
"They can't see the complete picture," Jackson said, resulting in deferred spending.
Some suppliers, though, say they are moving forward with investments. Paul Thomas, president of major auto supplier Robert Bosch GmbH in North America and of Bosch Mobility America, this week said the German manufacturer isn't holding off investing and is moving forward with $6 billion in announced U.S. investments since 2023. He, however, also emphasized the need for stability in trade policy.
"I'm really focused on the future and the profitable growth opportunities for Bosch here in North America and specifically in the United States," Thomas said. "To achieve that growth, we are investing."
Honoring USMCA and making tweaks as needed would help to offer the industry the stability it needs to make long-term decisions and hopefully provide opportunities to level the playing field for all suppliers looking to invest in the United States, Shaw said.
He added that it's also risky to have production consolidated in one place: "We have to have that diversified supply chain so that we're not at risk, whether it's a supply chain shock like we saw with tsunamis, or geopolitical tensions like we're seeing today. We have to have a diversified supply chain."
MEMA also is urging certainty on regulations of greenhouse tailpipe emissions. Trump has ordered a reevaluation of rules finalized by the Biden administration and is seeking to remove California's waiver allowing it to have stricter standards that 13 other states and Washington, D.C., have adopted. Delays on launches, production volume changes and less-than-expected demand for EVs have created challenges for suppliers too.
MEMA also urges permitting reforms to increase the speed of U.S. expansion, retaining the Inflation Reduction Act that former President Joe Biden signed in 2022 that granted incentives to manufacturers of U.S. batteries, a "pro-business" tax environment, incentives for research and development and support to increase skilled tooling talent in the country, McCarthy said. He said the ability to deduct R&D spending proposed in the Ways and Means Committee's budget is a good step forward.
"But that just brings us up to the rest of the world," McCarthy said. "It doesn't give us any advantage."
Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.

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How a multibillion dollar defence bank could help Canada increase its military spending
How a multibillion dollar defence bank could help Canada increase its military spending

Yahoo

time23 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

How a multibillion dollar defence bank could help Canada increase its military spending

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The Weekend: Tesla's problems mount as Trump-Musk 'bromance' hits the rocks
The Weekend: Tesla's problems mount as Trump-Musk 'bromance' hits the rocks

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Musk has billions, but Trump has the presidency. In their feud, that counts for more.
Musk has billions, but Trump has the presidency. In their feud, that counts for more.

Washington Post

time40 minutes ago

  • Washington Post

Musk has billions, but Trump has the presidency. In their feud, that counts for more.

There will be no true winners in the spectacular breakup between President Donald Trump and Elon Musk, two alpha males with enormous egos and a penchant for rhetorical combat — and for excess. To many Americans watching it all, the two deserve each other. But in the end, Musk should know who truly holds the cards, and it's not him. The implosion that occurred Thursday was an irresistible spectacle pitting the most powerful person in the world against the richest person in the world. It was made for cable news and social media, and neither could get enough of it. Many Republicans who couldn't look away were nonetheless alarmed at the potential fallout. The marriage of convenience between Trump and Musk took root last year with Musk's endorsement and an infusion of an estimated $288 million into the effort to elect Trump president. It carried on into this year, with Musk given broad powers to cut down the executive branch through his U.S. DOGE Service, and he was sometimes described almost as a co-president rather than a volunteer. Musk may have confused the difference. The relationship between the two was one that many who knew them both believed would inevitably end in divorce. That the breakup was as swift and as acrimonious as it was reflected the personalities of the two. The split has implications both substantive and political — and for Musk there are monetary issues to consider, given the size of the government contracts with his businesses and the risk of a decline in the value of Tesla stock. At heart, however, this is a personality clash — pitting a volatile business talent, though a political novice, against a president with shrewd political instincts who has long displayed an appetite for street fights when attacked. Trump also has something Musk does not have, which is the votes of 77 million people and a MAGA (Make America Great Again) movement behind him, including some like Stephen K. Bannon who have been openly hostile to Musk. It's difficult at this moment to expect that Trump and Musk will return to their earlier relationship, however fraught it always was despite the public bonhomie at Cabinet meetings and in the Oval Office. But it's also in the interest of both not to perpetuate this very long. For Trump and the Republicans in Congress, the most pressing concern is Musk's ability to torpedo the 'One Big Beautiful Bill' that is the summation of the president's legislative ambitions for this year and perhaps his entire second term. The measure passed the House by a single vote. It cannot pass the Senate without some rewriting, though how much is up in the air. Musk's declaration that the bill is a 'disgusting abomination' helped trigger the conflict between the two men and adds ammunition for those who want more spending cuts. The question is how much Musk's opposition adds to the difficulties of finding a compromise among the competing GOP factions. It's easy to see why GOP leaders are unsettled by Musk's initial attacks on the bill and now his feud with the president. Trump already was facing a sizable job in lobbying lawmakers to win passage of the bill. Any loss of focus on the legislation by the president could be costly, as defeat would deal a devastating blow to Trump and congressional Republicans. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) said on CNBC Friday that failure to pass the bill ultimately would cost Republicans control of the House in next year's midterm elections. That's stating the obvious, but then again, passage of the controversial measure also could imperil the House majority. No one can say whether Musk has the focus or the staying power to engage in a constructive debate about the bill beyond the broad claim that it's just too expensive. Absent something more substantive and targeted in his critique, members of Congress could dismiss him as just another billionaire who knows less than he thinks he knows — and a rich guy angry because federal subsidies for the purchase of electric vehicles would be eliminated (though Musk claims he doesn't really care about that). Though there are worries about Musk's role, some Republicans downplay his influence. 'As a practical matter, he'll have almost no impact on the legislative process,' former House speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Georgia) said. Gingrich went on to praise Musk as a business genius and someone whose SpaceX rocket company is vital to the United States winning the space battle against China. But as he noted, many business titans, from automaker Henry Ford to inventor Thomas Edison to IBM founder Thomas Watson, were never president. His argument was that Musk, like many business executives, knows almost nothing about politics. 'These are two dramatically different cultures,' he said. But for Republicans there is another concern about Musk, which is the possibility that he will use his vast wealth to try to defeat GOP lawmakers who support the bill. Could he intercede in Republican primary elections? Could he recruit challengers to punish those he sees on the wrong side of the fiscal debate? All that is possible, but there are other factors to consider about Musk's ability to play successfully in future political campaigns. Some strategists who have watched him in action believe the odds are low that his impact would be as great as his bank account might suggest. Musk claimed on Thursday that without his efforts Trump would not have won the 2024 election. That's questionable, though one can see why he might think so. But there are doubts in Republican circles about how effectively Musk's money was spent last year. In politics, he has been undisciplined and is seen as surrounded by mostly tech people who also are not skilled at politics. One of his more recent forays into politics came earlier this year, when he decided to get involved in the Wisconsin Supreme Court election. He and allied groups put about $20 million into the race to support Brad Schimel, the conservative judge running against Susan Crawford, the liberal judge. Musk held a rally the weekend before the election, elevating himself almost as the face of the contest. In the end, Crawford won by a margin of 10 percentage points. In May, apparently sobered by the embarrassing loss, Musk said at the Qatar Economic Forum that he would be spending 'a lot less' on campaigns unless he saw a good reason to do otherwise. He sounded disillusioned with politics at the time and eager to shift his focus back to his business interests. He did not sound like someone with an appetite to build an effective political machine capable of recruiting candidates, developing messages and turning out voters. Maybe this is the time, but there is reason for skepticism. One of Musk's postings on X on Thursday also caught the eye of veteran political strategists. It was when he asked, 'Is it time to create a new political party in America that actually represents the 80% in the middle?' For some Republicans, that might have been alarming, given the resources at his control and the general disillusionment among many voters with politics as usual. For others, however, it signaled that Musk fundamentally misunderstands the structure of America's two-party system. Over many years, various politicians and strategists have talked about organizing the 'sensible center' of the electorate, without success. The experience of the No Labels group in the 2024 cycle was the latest such effort, ending with an acknowledgment that the leaders could not attract a candidate with a credible path to victory. Musk's talk about a third party is little more than musing at this point. Musk's experience with DOGE is enough by itself to question his future role in legislative or campaign politics. His impatience, his break-first-worry-later approach and his lack of understanding of the government all doomed him to fall far short of his grand expectations. 'Had Elon been capable of listening and going slower, he would have had enormous impact. But it's not who he is,' Gingrich said. 'Had he matured into a serious commentator and implementer, then he would have had enormous influence.' Trump said Friday that he's not paying any attention to Musk. That's an overstatement, but the president has more important things to worry about in leading the country and dealing with a complicated set of issues globally. Just laying out the menu of challenges is a reminder of the powers of the presidency. Musk may have thought he was a peer to the president, but he now could learn more about what his real role was and will be.

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