Rubio's shocking Vatican statement on Russia-Ukraine deal amid Turkey Talks
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on May 17 said that the Vatican could be a venue for Russia-Ukraine peace talks. Speaking to reporters in Rome before meeting with Cardinal Matteo Zuppi, the Vatican point man on Ukraine, Rubio said that he would be discussing potential ways the Vatican could help. Watch for more
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First Post
7 hours ago
- First Post
Behind the ‘no-limits' partnership: Secret Russian intel document labels China ‘the enemy'
While President Vladimir Putin continues to publicly champion Russia's close ties with China, describing the relationship as a 'strategic golden era,' a confidential document from Russia's domestic security service paints a starkly different picture behind the scenes. read more Despite public declarations of a 'no-limits' partnership between Moscow and Beijing, a Russian intelligence document suggests deep-seated mistrust within the Kremlin toward China, according to a report by The New York Times. Inside the halls of Lubyanka, headquarters of Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB), a covert intelligence unit labels China not as a partner but as 'the enemy'. The report, based on an internal memo from Russia's FSB, outlines mounting concerns over Chinese espionage activities targeting Russian military, scientific and geopolitical assets. While President Vladimir Putin has portrayed Russia's relationship with China as entering a 'golden era,' a secret planning document—the authenticity of which has been confirmed by multiple Western intelligence agencies —reveals that Chinese intelligence is being treated as a major threat behind closed doors. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The eight-page FSB memo, believed to have been drafted in late 2023 or early 2024, was obtained by Ares Leaks, a cybercrime group and later reviewed by The New York Times. Though undated, it appears to outline current counterintelligence priorities and highlights efforts by Chinese agents to recruit Russian scientists and officials as well as to gain access to advanced military technologies. Chinese operatives are also suspected of surveilling Russia's war in Ukraine to study Western combat tactics and weapons systems. Among the FSB's major concerns is the possibility of covert territorial ambitions. The memo alleges that Chinese researchers and academics might be laying the groundwork to justify future claims on Russian land. Further, it warns of espionage operations in the Arctic, where Chinese mining companies and academic institutions are believed to be operating as intelligence fronts. In response, Russian counterintelligence launched a programme titled 'Entente-4' just days before the beginning of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022. The programme—ironically named after the historical Franco-Russian alliance, was designed to prevent Chinese infiltration at a time when Moscow's military and intelligence focus had shifted heavily westward. Since then, according to the report, the FSB has tracked an increasing number of attempts by Chinese intelligence to penetrate Russian political and business circles. The document details orders for surveillance of Russian people closely tied to China and heightened monitoring of the Chinese messaging app WeChat. This includes hacking phones and gathering personal data using a specialised FSB tool. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Interestingly, the document also notes Beijing's own internal distrust. Chinese agents returning from Russia are reportedly subjected to polygraph tests, while Russian nationals in China, especially students or those married to Chinese citizens, are considered prime targets for recruitment. The internal FSB assessments reflect a delicate balancing act: actively countering Chinese espionage while maintaining a façade of diplomatic unity. Officers have been instructed to avoid any public references to Chinese intelligence as a threat, so as not to strain bilateral ties. Some experts interpret the memo as evidence that Russia could be pried away from China with the right diplomatic strategy. Others suggest the opposite: that Putin is fully aware of the risks, yet sees the benefits of deepening ties with Beijing as outweighing any concerns. As The New York Times notes, China has become an economic lifeline for Russia amid Western sanctions, supplying everything from consumer electronics to critical military components. And with over 40 meetings between Putin and Xi Jinping in recent years, the strategic alignment appears too deeply entrenched for mistrust to alter its course, at least for now. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Time of India
9 hours ago
- Time of India
‘Bomb Greta If…': Israel Army Ready Missiles To Strike Flotilla Approaching Gaza; Netanyahu Warns
'Russian In Our Language, Do Whatever You Want': NATO Nation Leader's Bold Step Irks Kyiv Backers A Latvian lawmaker, Aleksey Roslikov, was expelled from parliament after a bold pro-Russia statement. The incident occurred during a session focused on combating Russification in Latvia. Roslikov spoke mostly in Latvian but ended his speech with a phrase in Russian, declaring, 'There are more of us and Russian is our language.' His remarks sparked outrage among lawmakers. The Saeima swiftly voted to expel him from the session. Moscow praised Roslikov for defending the Russian language, sharing the video and condemning Latvia's alleged Russophobic policies. 5.2K views | 1 day ago
Time of India
11 hours ago
- Time of India
Inside Putin's India pivot: Why Russia is trying to woo New Delhi into alliance with China
As US President Donald Trump publicly lashes out at Vladimir Putin for dragging out the Ukraine war, Moscow is quietly retooling its Asia strategy putting India front and centre in hopes of countering growing Western influence. While Trump's frustration with Putin mounts, the Kremlin has ramped up arms deals and diplomatic outreach to New Delhi, aiming to revive the once-promising Russia-India-China (RIC) troika as a foil to the Quad. Trump's irritation with Putin has grown as the Kremlin delays a ceasefire. While Kyiv reportedly accepted Trump's earlier 30-day truce proposal, Russia refused, insisting on terms that would force Ukraine to surrender territory not even under Russian control. Trump has since offered to host peace talks, but Moscow's demands, including US recognition of Crimea, have drawn accusations from experts like former ambassador Michael McFaul, who called them 'poison pills' meant to derail diplomacy. This has forced Putin to rekindle old alliances as a means to 'fight, fight, fight' against the US influence. From arms deals to trilateral summits, Russia is intensifying efforts to woo New Delhi, hoping to revive the Russia-India-China (RIC) dialogue as a counterweight to Western influence. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like No dark spots, 10 years younger! Just take this from Guardian URUHIME MOMOKO Learn More Undo 'India-Russia defence deals rubbed US the wrong way' The situation became more tricky for New Delhi when US secretary of commerce Howard Lutnick delivered a forthright assessment of recent tensions in the India-US relationship, pointing to certain Indian policies that 'rubbed the US the wrong way.' These include New Delhi's continued purchase of military equipment from Russia and its participation in the BRICS grouping, which Lutnick characterised as an attempt to 'not support the dollar and dollar hegemony. ' That's a way to kind of get under the skin of not really the way to make friends and influence people in America US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick 'That's not really the way to make friends and influence people in America,' Lutnick said, noting that President Trump 'calls that out directly,' and the Indian government is now 'addressing it specifically.' Despite such differences, Lutnick struck an optimistic tone, calling India's economy 'extraordinary' and praising its 'amazing' human capital and growth. He said both countries are working towards a trade agreement and that 'you should expect a the not too distant future.' Lavrov's India pitch Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov, speaking in Perm on Friday, revealed new efforts to woo India. He claimed Moscow was told India joined the Quad alliance, which includes the US, Australia and Japan, purely for economic cooperation. But Lavrov warned that the alliance is being militarised behind the scenes. 'In practice, other countries from the Quad are already trying, already insisting on organising naval and other military exercises,' Lavrov said. 'And I'm sure that our Indian friends can see this provocation clearly,' he said. Also read: 'US, other Quad countries trying to force India into military alliance rather than just trade,' claims Russia Lavrov's remarks came a day before US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth's announcement that the US is deepening its military relationship with India. Hegseth cited joint exercises like Tiger Triumph and Towson Sabre as evidence of growing strategic coordination in the Indo-Pacific. He also pointed to the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network and the PIPER initiative as efforts to integrate the region's defence infrastructure. 'Rookies talk strategy, pros talk logistics,' Hegseth said, signalling the US goal of building a sustained and interconnected defence presence in Asia. He emphasised that Trump's foreign policy was 'grounded in common sense and national interest' and stressed that a resilient alliance of like-minded democracies remains America's greatest strength against Chinese ambitions. But for Russia, these moves are part of what Lavrov describes as a Western ploy to 'divide and conquer,' a phrase he says President Putin himself recently used. Lavrov warned that the rebranding of the Asia-Pacific into the 'Indo-Pacific' was designed to isolate China and undermine ASEAN. Rekindling older alliances Perhaps the most significant signal from Lavrov was Russia's renewed push for the revival of the Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral dialogue. The forum, originally proposed by former Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, has met over 20 times and served as a platform for cooperation in trade, finance, and foreign policy. 'Now that… an understanding has been reached between India and China on how to calm the situation on the border, it seems to me that the time has come to revive this RIC troika,' Lavrov said. He framed the grouping as a valuable mechanism that could balance out the influence of Western-led coalitions like the Quad. India's strategic tightrope However, India's position remains complex. For years, India has enjoyed a privileged status as one of Russia's largest arms importers. Moscow provided India with cutting-edge weaponry, sometimes even before it was deployed in the Russian military itself. From India's strategic viewpoint, the RIC format carries other risks. Beijing continues to occupy a key position in South Asia's strategic balance, primarily through its deepening alliance with Islamabad. India remains concerned that any trilateral cooperation would be undermined unless China reconsiders its longstanding military and nuclear support for Pakistan. Moreover, the RIC format's perceived anti-American leanings are another sticking point. With Indo-US relations having deepened under both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Trump, especially on defence and technology cooperation, New Delhi may find it increasingly difficult to align with Russia and China in ways that could appear contrary to its current trajectory. 'Wishful thinking by Russia' Professor Rajan Kumar, from the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University while speaking with the , said that Russia's push for a revived RIC format may be 'wishful thinking by Russia, and it flies away in context of the real world and the current geo-political landscape.' He agreed, however, with Foreign Minister Lavrov's warning that the West seeks to 'divide and conquer' the India–China relationship. On whether the RIC would serve as a platform for direct mediation with China, Professor Kumar noted that 'though India and China are members of several international organisations, like the BRICS and SCO, a direct mediation with China is not possible. Particularly after the Ladakh incident in 2020, after which New Delhi's trust with Beijing has disappeared.' 'India maintains strategic autonomy' Asked whether India must align with either the US or Russia, he warned that 'given the current policies of the Trump administration, India cannot depend on the United States. As a consequence of the US president's policy the world has moved towards protectionism, and in the context of defence production this has ruled out the possibility of joint production of weapons.' He further noted India's longstanding tradition of strategic autonomy, adding, 'India has always maintained the policy of strategic autonomy, and it doesn't have the policy of involving other countries in its policy of China, and India sees China as a rival country. I believe in the coming time the tensions between New Delhi and Beijing are likely to escalate.' On whether Russia taking military equipment from China during its war with Ukraine would have impact on India's defence dealings with Russia, Professor Kumar observed: 'Yes, we do have a certain degree of dependence on Russian defence equipment, as was recently seen in the India-Pakistan war, with the successful use of S-400 on the defensive front and the BrahMos missile on the offensive. But yes, we are also trying to diversify our defence, with deals from Israel and France. ' India's balancing act Professor Rajan welcomed India's efforts to boost indigenous defence production, noting that 'one good thing is that India has also ramped up its own defence production and is moving towards becoming a major defence exporter; however, when compared to other countries its defence dealings are still minuscule.' Speaking on how India's close ties with Russia can be leveraged to question China's support for Pakistan, he explained that 'India has repeatedly voiced concerns about both China and Pakistan, especially regarding Islamabad's support for terrorist groups. Yet, India cannot dictate Russian foreign policy, as Moscow is grappling with its own geopolitical constraints. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has faced isolation and sanctions from the West, compelling it to deepen ties elsewhere. India, while strengthening ties with Western democracies, notably refrained from imposing sanctions on Russia and has abstained from UN resolutions condemning Moscow. This stance reflects India's effort to balance relations rather than fully aligning with Western positions. Concurrently, India participates in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) alongside the US, Australia, and Japan, a grouping often viewed as a strategic counterweight to China's influence.' What's the road ahead? India is poised to maintain its careful balancing act. In practice, New Delhi will likely deepen its defence ties with the US expanding logistics cooperation and joint exercises while continuing to source critical systems from Russia wherever gaps remain in its domestic industry. At the same time, India's focus on ramping up indigenous production and forging new partnerships with France and Israel suggests that Moscow's overtures, though acknowledged, will be weighed against broader economic and strategic interests. Whatever shape RIC might take, New Delhi's core priority will remain safeguarding its own strategic autonomy managing great-power competition without becoming dependent on any single capital.
