Russia Fielding New Nuclear-Armed Air-To-Air Missiles: U.S. Intel
Russia is introducing new nuclear-tipped air-to-air missiles as part of an overall expansion of its nuclear forces, according to an assessment from the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency, or DIA. While nuclear-armed air-to-air missiles were part of the Soviet Union's arsenal during the Cold War, their current status within the Russian Aerospace Forces (VKS) is little-known, which makes the disclosure from this U.S. intelligence agency all the more intriguing. Since this is described as a new weapon, it's almost certainly a reference to a version of the R-37M, a very long-range air-to-air missile known to NATO as the AA-13 Axehead.
The information is published in the DIA's unclassified 2025 Worldwide Threat Assessment, presented to the Armed Services Subcommittee on Intelligence and Special Operations United States House of Representatives, and available online here. The air-to-air missiles reference was brought to our attention by Hans Kristensen, the director of the Nuclear Information Project at the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) think tank.
According to this report, 'Russia is expanding its nuclear forces by adding new capabilities, including nuclear air-to-air missiles and novel nuclear systems. Russia probably maintains a nuclear stockpile of about 1,550 deployed strategic warheads and up to 2,000 non-strategic warheads.'
The same passage, which outlines Russia's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capabilities, also highlights the establishment of nuclear-capable missiles and aircraft in Belarus, something you can read more about here.
Sukhoi Su-35S fighter jet.
R-37M long-range AAM.
"bortzhyrnal". pic.twitter.com/CHuAcI2VTX
— Massimo Frantarelli (@MrFrantarelli) April 29, 2025
The report briefly describes Russia's use of nuclear-related rhetoric and military exercises in relation to the war in Ukraine, before noting that Moscow would be 'very unlikely to use nuclear weapons in the conflict unless Russian leadership judged it faced an existential threat to the regime.' Mention is also given to Russia's likely expansion of its chemical and biological warfare programs.
However, the undisclosed type of nuclear-armed air-to-air missile is the only specific type of tactical (or strategic) weapon named as such in this section.
The R-37M, a product of the Vympel missile design bureau, was developed for the MiG-31 Foxhound heavy interceptor before later being adopted for the Su-30SM and Su-35S Flanker multirole fighters, and the Su-57 Felon stealth fighter. Prior to the war in Ukraine, in which the R-37M has apparently been a notable threat to Ukrainian air operations, in-service examples of the weapon were very rarely seen.
Speaking to TWZ before his death in a 2023 flying accident, Ukrainian MiG-29 pilot Andrii 'Juice' Pilshchykov said that the R-37M, typically fired from within Russian airspace, was 'limiting our capabilities to conduct our missions. Of course, if you're maneuvering, we are not able to provide an airstrike or something else, so the game is still very, very, very tough in the air and very, very risky. If you're not aware of the launch of a missile, you're dead.'
Don't want to get into that med/high alt SAM envelope. https://t.co/vmwtg5dTUU
— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) November 1, 2022
The R-37M program dates back to the early 1990s when it began life as the R-37, intended to arm the Foxhound in its much-improved MiG-31M version.
An example of the original missile, also known by the in-house designation izdeliye 610, was first launched from a MiG-31M in 1993, destroying an aerial target at a reported range of 142 miles. Tests of the missile were successfully completed early the following year, but the demise of the Soviet Union meant the improved MiG-31M was canceled as a cost-saving measure, together with its planned armament.
However, with subsequent efforts to upgrade in-service Foxhounds to MiG-31BM standard, the program was revisited at the beginning of the 2000s.
Development was now focused on the enhanced R-37M, or izdeliye 610M. The revised missile was first launched from a MiG-31 in 2011 and completed its service trials in early 2014 before entering production. The first operational unit began to receive R-37Ms in 2018.
Weighing 1,124 pounds and 13 feet long, the R-37M is intended to engage targets at considerable range. This has led to suggestions that it might have been optimized to defeat airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft and other high-value assets. However, since the R-37M was developed to serve as the primary armament of the MiG-31 interceptor, it should be capable of engaging a wide range of targets, including low-flying cruise missiles.
According to data from the manufacturer, the R-37M, at least in its RVV-BD export form, can defeat 'some types' of aerial targets at a range of up to 124 miles. The reference to 'some types' of targets likely indicates that only larger and less agile aircraft can be engaged at the outer edges of the missile's flight envelope. As always, such figures likely refer to missile performance in optimum conditions. In an operational context, they will vary greatly depending on the type of engagement and the energy and altitude state of the launching aircraft.
By way of comparison, the MiG-31's original R-33 (AA-9 Amos) air-to-air missile can destroy targets out to a reported range of 68 miles. The furthest-flying in-service version of the U.S.-made AMRAAM, the AIM-120D, is thought to have a range of up to 100 miles, although official performance numbers are classified.
Meanwhile, the appearance of the R-37M as well as various Chinese-made very long-range air-to-air missiles has prompted the United States to develop new weapons in this class as well, notably the AIM-260 and an air-launched version of the Standard Missile-6 (SM-6), designated the AIM-174B, the range of which is also classified but should be far in excess of the AIM-120D, likely at least double and possibly triple the range.
Looking at the R-37M in detail, it is powered by a dual-pulse solid-propellant rocket motor, which propels it toward its target while the missile receives mid-course updates from the launch aircraft. During the terminal phase of the engagement, an onboard dual-band active radar seeker can reportedly lock on to a target with a 54-square-foot radar cross-section at 25 miles or more.
Since a nuclear warhead is also available for the missile's predecessor, the R-33, it would make good sense that the R-37M is also capable of being armed with an alternative nuclear warhead, which would be better able to destroy larger formations of aircraft or missiles.
The R-33S (the suffix denoting Spetsyalnaya, or special) reportedly entered service in 1991. A new and more powerful engine provided a range increase to a reported 87 miles.
Examples of the R-33 were seen in footage of 'non-strategic nuclear forces' exercises released by the Russian Ministry of Defense in the summer of 2024, prompting speculation that the R-33S nuclear versions were on show, although this cannot be confirmed.
As part of the same third stage exercises the #Russian air force practised mounting a R-33 missile with a #nuclear warhead to a MIG-31. https://t.co/iC6rpCM3JG pic.twitter.com/xFiDTk8scR
— Ninjamonkey
(@Aryan_warlord) August 2, 2024
Presuming the new missile mentioned by the DIA is a version of the R-37M, this and the older R-33S would be the only nuclear-armed air-to-air missiles in service anywhere in the world.
Back in the Cold War, the U.S. Air Force also had a nuclear-tipped air-to-air missile, the GAR-11, later redesignated the AIM-26A, or 'Nuclear Falcon,' which carried a W54 warhead with a yield of 0.5 kilotons.
The GAR-11 was the only guided nuclear-armed air-to-air missile ever deployed by the U.S. military, although the Air Force also received the nuclear-armed AIR-2 Genie unguided air-to-air rocket. Efforts to develop a version of the infrared-guided Sidewinder with a nuclear warhead were eventually abandoned, as you can read about here.
Nuclear-armed air-to-air missiles were originally intended to take out formations of bomber aircraft at the height of the Cold War. They were very much area-effect weapons. Today such bomber formations aren't as relevant, but not having to get within the blast-fragmentation range of a missile warhead to take down a target could be seen as advantageous in the modern era, possibly against stealthy aircraft that can be detected but are hard to lock up, especially by a small radar on a missile during its terminal attack phase. Swarms of drones and waves of cruise missiles are another possibility. Still, exactly what prompted Moscow to pursue such a capability now is unclear.
While Russia is unlikely to reveal much in the way of information about its new nuclear-armed air-to-air missile, it is significant that it has been referred to specifically in the DIA's report. While the R-37M is, by all accounts, a very formidable long-range weapon, the apparent existence of a nuclear-tipped version is another complicating factor for any adversary and provides a capability likely unmatched by any contemporary air-to-air missile.
Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Politico
14 minutes ago
- Politico
Graham wants to punish Russia with ‘bone-crushing' sanctions. It could backfire.
Sen. Lindsey Graham has pledged that his expansive sanctions bill would be 'bone crushing' for the Russian economy. But if enacted, the South Carolina Republican's proposal to impose 500 percent tariffs on any country that buys Russian energy would effectively cut the U.S. off from some of the world's largest economies — including allies in Europe. 'A 500 percent tariff is essentially a hard decoupling,' said Kevin Book, managing director of Clear View Energy Partners, an energy research firm. Graham appeared to acknowledge as much on Wednesday, when he proposed a broad carve-out for countries that provide aid to Ukraine. This exemption would spare the European Union, which continues to import almost 20 percent of its gas from Russia. But experts remain skeptical that the sky-high tariffs proposed in the Sanctioning Russia Act are in any way feasible. India and China buy roughly 70 percent of Russian energy exports, but several other countries that buy any oil, gas or uranium from Moscow — and aren't included in the carve-out — could also be exposed to tariffs under the bill. The United States, which is still reliant on imports of enriched uranium from Russia to fuel its nuclear reactors, could also run afoul of the bill. Edward Fishman, a senior researcher with the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University, said countries in the crosshairs of the bill would struggle to halt their imports of Russian energy overnight. Tariffs of 500 percent on imports of goods made in China would send prices soaring, disrupt supply chains and could drive up U.S. unemployment to recessionary levels. Most likely, it would lead to a screeching halt in U.S. trade with China. 'It would hurt Americans quite a bit,' Fishman said. The legislation's goal, co-sponsored by Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), is to starve Russia's war economy, which continues to earn hundreds of billions of dollars from energy exports. There is widespread support for the overall objective, with 82 senators signing on to Graham's bill so far, and growing support for a companion bill in the House. The bill is likely to change significantly as it moves through Congress and in consultations with the Trump administration, said Matt Zweig, senior policy director of FDD Action, a nonprofit advocacy organization affiliated with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. It may also take a long time. 'With sanctions legislation, you're also normally dealing with iterative processes where you would want to go through every nook and cranny,' Zweig said. Still, the widespread bipartisan support for the legislation suggests there is a high degree of support among lawmakers for tougher action on Russia. 'What Congress may be doing is pressuring the executive branch to act,' said Adam Smith, a partner at the law firm Gibson Dunn. 'There is a sense in the Senate that more sanctions on Russia need to be imposed, or ought to be imposed,' added Smith, who was a senior adviser to the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control during the Obama administration. Graham, the bill's most vocal Republican advocate, said as much in a meeting with reporters in Paris over the weekend, where he described the bill as 'one of the most draconian sanctions bills ever written.' 'The Senate is pissed that Russia is playing a game at our expense and the world's expense. And we are willing to do something we haven't been willing to do before — and that is go after people that have been helping Putin,' Graham said. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, dismissed concerns that the bill is too harsh. 'We need to make Putin understand he has to stop screwing around and come to the table. But we also need to follow it up and make clear we will be tough,' she said. Not everyone agrees. Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), who has long been skeptical about the effectiveness of sanctions to change the behavior of U.S. adversaries, bashed the bill on Monday as 'literally the most ill-conceived bill I've ever seen in Washington,' he said. 'It would be a worldwide embargo on 36 countries.' Meanwhile, Russia and Ukraine have made little progress on peace talks. Officials from both countries met in Istanbul on Monday and agreed to a further prisoner swap, but failed to achieve any major breakthroughs. Graham and Blumenthal visited Ukraine, France and Germany during last week's congressional recess, where they discussed the sanctions bill, as well as efforts to push Russia to the negotiating table. The proposal has been welcomed by European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen, who met with Graham in Berlin on Monday. 'Pressure works, as the Kremlin understands nothing else,' Von der Leyen said in a statement. 'These steps, taken together with U.S. measures, would sharply increase the joint impact of our sanctions.' Senate Majority Leader John Thune indicated Monday that the chamber could take up the legislation later this month. Republican senators have said they would like to secure the approval of the White House before moving forward. The proposed use of blanket tariffs to target countries that continue to do business with Russia's energy sector is novel and appears to be pitched to Trump's interests. On Tuesday, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Trump viewed sanctions as 'a tool in his toolbox,' but declined to comment about his position on the bill. Trump appeared to be inching closer toward supporting the bill in a post on Truth Social on Wednesday, which linked to an op-ed in The Washington Post supporting the legislation. Speaking in the Oval Office on Thursday, Trump indicated he wanted lawmakers to secure his approval before moving forward with the bill. 'They're waiting for me to decide on what to do,' he said, describing the legislation as a 'harsh bill.' The president has liberally wielded tariffs to advance his foreign policy agenda, but his implementation has been spotty. Wall Street has even adopted a trading strategy referencing Trump's capriciousness called TACO, which stands for 'Trump Always Chickens Out.' Tariffs of 145 percent on China, imposed in April, lasted a month before being dramatically scaled back to make way for trade talks, which have so far failed to secure a breakthrough. As it stands, the bill includes some levers that Trump could pull to forestall the tariffs, requiring the president to make a formal determination that Russia is refusing to negotiate or has violated any future peace agreement. Nahal Toosi, Joshua Berlinger, Phelim Kine and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
Business Insider
36 minutes ago
- Business Insider
Russian-backed paramilitary group assumes security role in Mali after Wagner pullout
The Africa Corps, a Kremlin-backed paramilitary force, announced it will maintain its presence in Mali following the recent departure of the Wagner mercenary group. The Africa Corps announced it will maintain its presence in Mali after Wagner's withdrawal. Wagner operated in Mali for over three years, reclaiming territories from Islamist militants. The Africa Corps aims to shift toward training local forces and supplying equipment. The Russian-backed Africa Corps has announced it will remain in Mali, following Wagner's decision to end its three-year mission fighting Islamist militants and begin withdrawing its forces. Wagner's involvement in Mali began after the country's military junta, which took power through two coups in 2020 and 2021, expelled French and United Nations troops who had been combating Islamist insurgents for nearly a decade. Wagner posted on social media that it had successfully reclaimed all of Mali's regional centers from Islamist forces, pushing them out and killing their commanders. Transition from Wagner to Africa Corps Following Wagner's exit, the Africa Corps was created with support from the Russian Defence Ministry after Wagner's founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, and commander Dmitry Utkin led a failed mutiny against Russian army leadership and fled to Belarus, confirmed it would continue Russia's paramilitary presence in Mali. On its Telegram channel, the Africa Corps stated that Wagner's departure 'does not signify a loss of Russian influence,' adding, 'Russia does not lose ground, but on the contrary, continues to support Bamako now at a more fundamental level,' referring to Mali's capital city. Experts, including Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel program at Germany's Konrad Adenauer Foundation, suggest this shift may signal a change in Russia's engagement from direct combat toward training local forces and providing equipment. Ongoing security challenges Despite the transition, Mali continues to face serious security threats. A series of recent attacks by Islamist insurgents reportedly killed more than 100 Malian soldiers and mercenaries. One bombing near Bamako targeted both Malian and Russian forces, illustrating the volatile situation. The insurgent group Jama'a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), active in the Sahel region, claimed responsibility for several recent attacks, further heightening the ongoing threat. The Malian defense ministry has not commented on the transition between Wagner and Africa Corps forces. Still, Russia's continuing paramilitary presence highlights the complex security landscape and Mali's reliance on foreign support to combat insurgency.
Washington Post
an hour ago
- Washington Post
Bill would tighten rules for military flights near National Airport
Frustrated by a lack of safety improvements since 67 people died Jan. 29 in the midair collision of an Army helicopter and a passenger jet near Reagan National Airport, Democratic lawmakers are attempting to require that federal officials do a better job of managing dangers. Senate Democrats introduced a bill that would limit instances in which helicopters, including those operated by the military, are allowed to switch off devices that make them easier to track. It also would require the Pentagon to share more details about safety incidents with the Federal Aviation Administration, including close calls between military and passenger flights.
