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The Fight Against Musk Doesn't End With DOGE

The Fight Against Musk Doesn't End With DOGE

The Intercept2 days ago

Elon Musk and Donald Trump take part in a press conference in the Oval Office at the White House May 30, 2025. Photo: Francis Chung/Politico via AP Images
Elon Musk may no longer be welcome in the White House, but don't believe for a second that he's done with politics. Between federal contracts and potential regulation, the government plays too big of a role in Musk's business ventures for the world's richest man to ever truly turn his back on Washington. In Musk's own words, 'Trump has 3.5 years left as President, but I will be around for 40+ years.'
That's why progressives must remain committed to blocking his right-wing agenda and draining him of his power — even now that he's no longer running the so-called Department of Government Efficiency.
Despite everything he has done in full view of the American public, Musk loves to cast himself as a centrist. He recently called for a new 'America Party' to 'represent the 80% in the middle.' Backed by an utterly unscientific poll on X, he produced a matching 80% approval rate for his idea. But while Musk certainly has the money to launch a third party, the reality is that such an effort would likely go nowhere.
Recent polling reveals that only 15 percent of Democrats and 34 percent of independents approve of Musk. That number rises to 76 percent among Republicans, making Musk the third most popular national Republican figure among Republican voters, behind only Donald Trump and JD Vance. In other words, Musk remains a powerful force in Republican politics, but his hypothetical third party would only draw from Republican voters and the independents who already vote with them.
The reality is that Musk and the Republican Party need each other. Musk is highly dependent on the federal government for the continued financial success of his rocket company SpaceX. And top Republican officeholders and influencers will continue to hunger for his dollars and social media clout, even if he says he is pulling back from political contributions. That explains why Vance and other Trump allies were so muted in their initial statements when the Trump–Musk feud exploded last week.
Trump responded with a threat to cut SpaceX's federal contracts — which would be a real blow to Musk. Between January 2023 and December 2024, SpaceX's valuation rose from $137 billion to an astonishing $350 billion. This increase was based on the assumption that the company would benefit dramatically from Musk's relationship with Trump. But if the opposite proves true, SpaceX's value will likely collapse back down to Earth, dragging Musk and his other investors down with it.
No wonder Musk was so quick to back down from his fight with Trump, going so far as to delete his post linking Trump to notorious sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein and showing rare contrition on Wednesday on his social media platform X. 'I regret some of my posts about President @realDonaldTrump last week,' he wrote. 'They went too far.'
The news that the Pentagon and NASA were trying to drop SpaceX was a reminder that Musk has too much at stake. And with Tesla now struggling, don't be surprised to see Musk make the same moves as others who depend on government funding and friendly regulatory policies: hiring lobbyists, making campaign contributions, and currying favor with politicians.
Meanwhile, Republican politicians, influencers, and operators also have strong reasons to stay in Musk's orbit. Vance, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and a whole host of conservatives are all carefully jockeying to be on the next presidential ticket. They will certainly want Trump's political endorsement — and if Musk proves willing to keep spending, his financial backing. In addition, some Republicans want him to stay in politics because they agree with his criticism of Trump's debt-expanding 'Big Beautiful Bill.' Conservative Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., a deficit hawk and public advocate for cutting even U.S. military funding to Israel, tweeted praise of Musk, saying that 'he cares about this country.'
That's why Musk and elected Republicans are likely to remain bound together in the years ahead. This means that Musk's oligarchic ambitions, his anti-social welfare policies, and his white nationalist beliefs will continue to influence the Republican Party and American politics for decades to come.
So people concerned about the future of this country must continue holding Musk accountable and keep fighting to block his political power. We must build a firewall around his politics. That means ending taxpayer funding for all of Musk's enterprises — including Tesla, SpaceX, and its satellite internet business Starlink. It also means sending a signal to Musk, other oligarchs, and the politicians who flirt with them that doing so puts their own commercial and political interests at risk.
There's much to learn from the Tesla Takedown movement that erupted across the U.S. and Europe. That movement is now quietly entering a new phase of activism and power. Under the guidance of skilled organizers like Alec Connon of Stop the Money Pipeline and some of the original Tesla Takedown leaders, a broad network of community activists is launching city-, county-, and state-level campaigns for government boycotts of Musk's companies. They are pushing local governments to halt purchases of Tesla vehicles and encouraging local and state public pension funds to divest from Tesla stock.
A recent victory in this campaign came when the trustees of Pennsylvania's Lehigh County pension fund — worth roughly $500 million — voted to stop purchasing new investments in Tesla stock. In the words of elected Lehigh County Controller Mark Pinsley, 'I have a legal duty to act as a responsible steward of the retirement savings of 4,218 county retirees and employees.'
According to national campaign organizer Connon, anti-Tesla lobbying and organizing efforts have picked up momentum in Philadelphia, Seattle, Madison, Portland, and cities across the San Francisco Bay Area. And more local organizing efforts are being launched. As Connon put it, 'There's an incredibly vibrant network of volunteer leaders across the country who are committed to holding Elon Musk accountable for his vicious attacks on democracy. They are pushing hard to ensure that their local and state governments are not funding the companies owned by this man who has caused so much harm.'
Philadelphia community member Kelley Collings is another inspiring example of this rising movement. She and other Tesla Takedown activists have formed a local organizing committee and begun lobbying city council members and the city pension board to divest from Tesla. As fellow community member Anne Krawitz wrote, their goal is 'to halt all current and future investments in Tesla stocks, with the hope of creating momentum for divestment of statewide retirement plans.' Toward this end, they have also started building a statewide campaign by organizing rank-and-file union members who have pensions in both the city and state pension funds.
But while local activists and organizers are working to break Musk's financial power, some Democrats are hoping Musk will choose to share his wealth with the Democratic Party. Before his MAGA embrace, Musk once made campaign contributions to elected officials including Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, and Gavin Newsom, as well as Rubio, Lindsey Graham, and Kevin McCarthy. Perhaps that's why Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., has called for 'trying to convince [Musk] that the Democratic Party has more of the values that he agrees with,' including 'a commitment to science funding, a commitment to clean technology, a commitment to seeing international students like him.' But such an approach requires overlooking Musk's ghastly politics, his support for far-right political movements in Germany and elsewhere, and his unconstitutional slash-and-burn attacks on the federal government, including the very programs that enable the science funding and clean technology that Khanna spoke of.
Taking Musk's dollars would prevent the Democratic Party from learning how to punch up and go after the oligarchs who are ruining our country.
The simple reality is that taking Musk's dollars would undermine the Democratic Party's competitiveness, because it would prevent the Democratic Party from learning how to punch up and go after the oligarchs who are ruining our country. It would continue the Democratic Party's failed trend of being unable to tell a story as to who's responsible for the woes of American voters, a vacuum that Trump has quickly filled with his own poisonous narrative. And it would show, once again, that the party cares more about chasing donors' dollars than anything else.
We don't want Elon Musk to have any power to advance any of his destructive political goals. That's why the local campaigns to boycott and divest from Tesla are so important. It's also why the time has come to push Congress to cut off federal contracts for SpaceX.
Ultimately, this is what fighting fascism looks like. Our work is to push the oligarchs out of Washington and to break up their wealth. That battle starts with Musk.

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Sign up for Automotive Views, Automotive News' weekly showcase of opinions, insights, ideas and thought leadership. Love it or hate it, this disruptive era in which we live is providing us all with some real-life experiments in economics — the likes of which we probably thought we would never see. For decades, basically everyone who went to college was taught in an economics or history class that widespread tariffs would do more harm than good. Trump argues for a different approach, and he's pursuing it. Or he's pursuing it to negotiate for something else. In either case, we're now seeing how that works: So far, there's been a lot of paralysis, especially among suppliers and foreign automakers, but also a big investment announced recently by General Motors. His political strategy has been unorthodox, yet he's won two electoral colleges and one popular vote. He's only the 21st president to win two elections. So he's had success, whether some people like it or not. Same for Musk, of course: He approached the auto industry unlike anyone else — with an expensive electric car — had a couple of near-total collapses, and came out as the world's richest man and CEO of the world's most valuable automaker. That success helped propel his rocket business SpaceX and other ventures such as Starlink satellites and Twitter, which he bought and renamed X. But the disruptive move I'm watching was his decision to be an automaker CEO who got personally and financially involved in partisan politics. While new-vehicle sales skew to the affluent, when you sell something in the millions or tens of millions, a brand or model has to connect with a broad swath of people. And while there can be success with, say, a polarizing design, mass-market brands generally try to avoid alienating large chunks of their potential customer base. I've cited here before the story about Michael Jordan saying he didn't speak out on politics because 'Republicans buy sneakers, too.' In retrospect, he said it was just a funny line among friends. But the thing is that he wasn't wrong, and every business school graduate knows it. Musk, however, is not your typical MBA type. So out of his frustration with former President Joe Biden — who habitually sided with the UAW and its automakers against the U.S.-based global leader in EVs, even as he advocated for a carbon-neutral future — Musk threw an estimated quarter of a billion dollars behind the Trump campaign. That's an unbelievable sum of money to many of us, but when Trump won, it looked like the greatest bet ever. From late October to late December, Tesla stock more than doubled and its market cap approached $1.5 trillion. While Musk's political activism may have upset many of his loyal, environmentally motivated customers, there were a lot of reasons to be bullish on Tesla under Trump. It seemed likely that NHTSA and the SEC would take a more sympathetic view of the company's issues. Beyond that, Musk has refocused the company's future on artificial intelligence, humanoid robots and robotaxis. (Tesla said it plans to launch its service in Austin, Texas, on June 22.) A new administration with a deregulatory inclination toward self-driving cars was a significant tailwind. Now, those advantages for Tesla are gone or at least seemingly diminished. Structures that have legacy automakers paying to buy Tesla's credits for selling emission-free, fuel-efficient vehicles could be eliminated. (And let's not forget that Trump hinted at ending federal contracts with other Musk-affiliated companies.) Turning back to the auto business: The conventional wisdom is that Musk has now alienated all but the most apolitical consumers. Environmentally minded liberals might like EVs, but Musk's support of Trump (and the far-right Alternative for Deutschland party in Germany) has them seeking out other brands' offerings. There might have been an opportunity to become the preferred electric brand of the president's Make America Great Again movement — especially the tech-forward, high-income types and those motivated by the president's endorsement of the brand on the White House grounds. But after this month's blowup — with longtime Trump adviser Steve Bannon arguing to deport Musk — that notion seemed ever more remote. No fans on the left, no fans on the right. Is Elon out in deep water in an electric boat surrounded by sharks with no friends to bail him out? Maybe not. There is significant animus against Musk on the EV-inclined left, especially in the wake of his DOGE team's deep and sometimes chaotic cuts to government entities and programs. Certainly, protests at auto retail outlets are rare. The damage to stores is not acceptable, but it shows the intensity of the situation. But I still have to wonder how far consumers will follow those kinds of feelings. Michiganders, for instance, often assume that Americans prefer to buy American cars made by American (union) workers. But I've been to America, and most of them don't care. They want the best car for their money, whether it's American, German, Japanese or Korean. Some are clamoring for cheap Chinese cars: If Xi Jinping wants to pay for half of their EV, they ask, why not let him? So maybe they won't care about Elon's politics. Tesla sales are down a little this year, but some of that might be attributable to production hiccups. If the Model Y — the bestselling model in the world last year — provides a great value, they'll probably buy it regardless of what they think of the CEO. And now we get to find out. Have an opinion about this story? Tell us about it and we may publish it in print. Click here to submit a letter to the editor. Sign in to access your portfolio

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