logo
Want Efficiency? Fund the VA and Cut the Proven Waste in Privatized Veterans Care

Want Efficiency? Fund the VA and Cut the Proven Waste in Privatized Veterans Care

Yahoo28-04-2025

The opinions expressed in this op-ed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Military.com. If you would like to submit your own commentary, please send your article to opinions@military.com for consideration.
Faithfully following orders from President Donald Trump's Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) office, VA Secretary Doug Collins has announced that he will soon fire tens of thousands of employees at the Veterans Health Administration (VHA). He claims the system is too wasteful, inefficient and costly, and that the private-sector Veterans Community Care Program (VCCP), established under the VA MISSION Act of 2018, is both more cost effective and comparable in quality.
That's just not true. VHA health care is, on average, less costly, less wasteful and of higher quality and value than private-sector alternatives. Strengthening -- not decimating -- in-house VHA staffing and infrastructure represents the more fiscally responsible use of taxpayer dollars. It's also what the majority of the 9 million veterans it serves want.
When veterans are referred to outside providers through the VCCP, they enter, what Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) accurately described at a June 2023 congressional hearing, as the perfect environment for unnecessary use of high-cost tests, procedures and extra appointments -- all billable to the government.
Studies comparing care delivered for a multitude of conditions within and outside the VHA confirm that type of private-sector waste. When ambulances randomly transported veterans to either VHA or private emergency departments, private care cost 21% more -- primarily due to unnecessary electrocardiograms, inpatient admissions, and evaluation and management services with higher reimbursement rates. Diabetic veterans rack up greater costs in the VCCP, largely from increased inpatient expenses and prescription drugs. Low-risk prostate cancer patients in the VCCP are twice as likely as those in the VHA to receive unneeded surgery or radiation, costly procedures that also carry significant risks. The private sector performs more "guideline discordant," "questionable" and "low-value" tests than the VHA, which then lead to more unnecessary services downstream, higher health-care costs and potential harm to the patient.
Overuse of neuroimaging for headache and peripheral neuropathy is far more common in the private sector than the VHA. Veterans referred to the VCCP for other imaging are more apt to have pricey MRIs than less expensive CT scans and X-rays. Even for something as straightforward as sleep apnea testing, VCCP providers are nine times more likely than their VHA counterparts to use expensive lab-based tests instead of cost-effective home alternatives.
The explanation is simple: With lax oversight, private-sector, fee-for-service incentives drive overtreatment and profit-seeking that isn't permitted in the VHA.
Collins -- and Congress -- should pay attention not only to wasteful expenditures, but also health outcomes. A growing body of research shows that, on average, veterans die at higher rates within 30 days of hospital admission when treated in the private sector across numerous conditions, including angina, stroke and heart failure, emergency care and COVID-19. Two-year survival is better for VHA than VCCP veterans who initiate chronic dialysis. VHA patients fare as good or better for inpatient and outpatient care as well, including for stroke, COPD, headaches, diabetes, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, hypertension, urinary tract infections, knee arthroplasty and myocardial infarction medication.
To be fair, there are a few studies where private hospital care was less expensive -- for six acute conditions in one study, knee arthroplasties and cataract surgeries in another, and coronary artery bypass graft procedures in a third. But these are more the exception than the rule.
What makes VHA care generally more effective?
The "VA Advantage," as researchers call it, stems from superior care coordination and information systems tailored specifically for veterans' complex needs. VHA providers are required to learn about the conditions -- military sexual trauma and toxic exposures, for example -- from which many veterans suffer. Research shows private providers frequently fail to deliver evidence-based treatments for common veteran conditions such as PTSD and depression.
Because 100% of their patients are veterans, VHA providers have accumulated specialized expertise in veterans' problems, as well as in military culture. That simply doesn't exist in the private sector, where veterans make up less than 5% of the patient population.
Private networks don't match the VHA's team-based approach, which gives vets easy access to doctors, psychologists, pharmacists, dieticians and social workers under one roof. The VHA's one-stop integrated care reduces logistical burdens that veterans bear when they seek care across a maze of multiple private-sector facilities.
Secretary Collins' proposed workforce reduction threatens all of this. Community care has an important role to play, but, by design, as a supplement when VHA cannot furnish timely or conveniently located services.
Before making drastic VHA cuts based on misguided assumptions, the secretary must confront the evidence: Slashing VHA staff and infrastructure will harm veterans while increasing costs to taxpayers. That's not fiscal "efficiency"; it's a betrayal of our sacred obligation to those who served.
Russell B. Lemle and Suzanne Gordon are senior policy analysts at the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, a nonprofit, nonpartisan think tank.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘We're Just Becoming a Weapon of the State'
‘We're Just Becoming a Weapon of the State'

Atlantic

time2 hours ago

  • Atlantic

‘We're Just Becoming a Weapon of the State'

Since winning President Donald Trump's nomination to serve as the director of the National Institutes of Health, Jay Bhattacharya—a health economist and prominent COVID contrarian who advocated for reopening society in the early months of the pandemic—has pledged himself to a culture of dissent. 'Dissent is the very essence of science,' Bhattacharya said at his confirmation hearing in March. 'I'll foster a culture where NIH leadership will actively encourage different perspectives and create an environment where scientists, including early-career scientists and scientists that disagree with me, can express disagreement, respectfully.' Two months into his tenure at the agency, hundreds of NIH officials are taking Bhattacharya at his word. More than 300 officials, from across all of the NIH's 27 institutes and centers, have signed and sent a letter to Bhattacharya that condemns the changes that have thrown the agency into chaos in recent months—and calls on their director to reverse some of the most damaging shifts. Since January, the agency has been forced by Trump officials to fire thousands of its workers and rescind or withhold funding from thousands of research projects. Tomorrow, Bhattacharya is set to appear before a Senate appropriations subcommittee to discuss a proposed $18 billion slash to the NIH budget—about 40 percent of the agency's current allocation. The letter, titled the Bethesda Declaration (a reference to the NIH's location in Bethesda, Maryland), is modeled after the Great Barrington Declaration, an open letter published by Bhattacharya and two of his colleagues in October 2020 that criticized 'the prevailing COVID-19 policies' and argued that it was safe—even beneficial—for most people to resume life as normal. The approach that the Great Barrington Declaration laid out was, at the time, widely denounced by public-health experts, including the World Health Organization and then–NIH director Francis Collins, as dangerous and scientifically unsound. The allusion in the NIH letter, officials told me, isn't meant glibly: 'We hoped he might see himself in us as we were putting those concerns forward,' Jenna Norton, a program director at the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, and one of the letter's organizers, told me. None of the NIH officials I spoke with for this story could recall another time in their agency's history when staff have spoken out so publicly against a director. But none of them could recall, either, ever seeing the NIH so aggressively jolted away from its core mission. 'It was time enough for us to speak out,' Sarah Kobrin, a branch chief at the National Cancer Institute, who has signed her name to the letter, told me. To preserve American research, government scientists—typically focused on scrutinizing and funding the projects most likely to advance the public's health—are now instead trying to persuade their agency's director to help them win a political fight with the White House. Bhattacharya, the NIH, and the Department of Health and Human Services did not respond immediately to a request for comment. The agency spends most of its nearly $48 billion budget powering science: It is the world's single-largest public funder of biomedical research. But since January, the NIH has canceled thousands of grants —originally awarded on the basis of merit—for political reasons: supporting DEI programming, having ties to universities that the administration has accused of anti-Semitism, sending resources to research initiatives in other countries, advancing scientific fields that Trump officials have deemed wasteful. Prior to 2025, grant cancellations were virtually unheard-of. But one official at the agency, who asked to remain anonymous out of fear of professional repercussions, told me that staff there now spend nearly as much time terminating grants as awarding them. And the few prominent projects that the agency has since been directed to fund appear either to be geared toward confirming the administration's biases on specific health conditions, or to benefit NIH leaders. 'We're just becoming a weapon of the state,' another official, who signed their name anonymously to the letter, told me. 'They're using grants as a lever to punish institutions and academia, and to censor and stifle science.' NIH officials have tried to voice their concerns in other ways. At internal meetings, leaders of the agency's institutes and centers have questioned major grant-making policy shifts. Some prominent officials have resigned. Current and former NIH staffers have been holding weekly vigils in Bethesda, commemorating, in the words of the organizers, ' the lives and knowledge lost through NIH cuts.' (Attendees are encouraged to wear black.) But these efforts have done little to slow the torrent of changes at the agency. Ian Morgan, a postdoctoral fellow at the NIH and one of the letter's signers, told me that the NIH fellows union, which he is part of, has sent Bhattacharya repeated requests to engage in discussion since his first week at the NIH. 'All of those have been ignored,' Morgan said. By formalizing their objections and signing their names to them, officials told me, they hope that Bhattacharya will finally feel compelled to respond. (To add to the public pressure, Jeremy Berg, who led the NIH's National Institute of General Medical Sciences until 2011, is also organizing a public letter of support for the Bethesda Declaration, in partnership with Stand Up for Science, which has organized rallies in support of research.) Scientists elsewhere at HHS, which oversees the NIH, have become unusually public in defying political leadership, too. Last month, after Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—in a bizarre departure from precedent—announced on social media that he was sidestepping his own agency, the CDC, and purging COVID shots from the childhood-immunization schedule, CDC officials chose to retain the vaccines in their recommendations, under the condition of shared decision making with a health-care provider. Many signers of the Bethesda letter are hopeful that Bhattacharya, 'as a scientist, has some of the same values as us,' Benjamin Feldman, a staff scientist at the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, told me. Perhaps, with his academic credentials and commitment to evidence, he'll be willing to aid in the pushback against the administration's overall attacks on science, and defend the agency's ability to power research. But other officials I spoke with weren't so optimistic. Many at the NIH now feel they work in a 'culture of fear,' Norton said. Since January, NIH officials have told me that they have been screamed at and bullied by HHS personnel pushing for policy changes; some of the NIH leaders who have been most outspoken against leadership have also been forcibly reassigned to irrelevant positions. At one point, Norton said, after she fought for a program focused on researcher diversity, some members of NIH leadership came to her office and cautioned her that they didn't want to see her on the next list of mass firings. (In conversations with me, all of the named officials I spoke with emphasized that they were speaking in their personal capacity, and not for the NIH.) Bhattacharya, who took over only two months ago, hasn't been the Trump appointee driving most of the decisions affecting the NIH—and therefore might not have the power to reverse or overrule them. HHS officials have pressured agency leadership to defy court orders, as I've reported; mass cullings of grants have been overseen by DOGE. And as much as Bhattacharya might welcome dissent, he so far seems unmoved by it. In early May, Berg emailed Bhattacharya to express alarm over the NIH's severe slowdown in grant making, and to remind him of his responsibilities as director to responsibly shepherd the funds Congress had appropriated to the agency. The next morning, according to the exchange shared with me by Berg, Bhattacharya replied saying that, 'contrary to the assertion you make in the letter,' his job was to ensure that the NIH's money would be spent on projects that advance American health, rather than 'on ideological boondoggles and on dangerous research.' And at a recent NIH town hall, Bhattacharya dismissed one staffer's concerns that the Trump administration was purging the identifying variable of gender from scientific research. (Years of evidence back its use.) He echoed, instead, the Trump talking point that 'sex is a very cleanly defined variable,' and argued that gender shouldn't be included as 'a routine question in order to make an ideological point.' The officials I spoke with had few clear plans for what to do if their letter goes unheeded by leadership. Inside the agency, most see few levers left to pull. At the town hall, Bhattacharya also endorsed the highly contentious notion that human research started the pandemic—and noted that NIH-funded science, specifically, might have been to blame. When dozens of staffers stood and left the auditorium in protest, prompting applause that interrupted Bhattacharya, he simply smiled

The Latest: Trump's travel ban takes effect as tensions escalate over immigration enforcement
The Latest: Trump's travel ban takes effect as tensions escalate over immigration enforcement

Washington Post

time2 hours ago

  • Washington Post

The Latest: Trump's travel ban takes effect as tensions escalate over immigration enforcement

President Donald Trump's new ban on travel to the U.S. by citizens from 12 mainly African and Middle Eastern countries took effect Monday amid rising tension over the president's escalating campaign of immigration enforcement. Meanwhile, scores of scientists at the National Institutes of Health sent their Trump-appointed leader a letter titled the Bethesda Declaration, a frontal challenge to policies they say undermine the NIH mission, waste public resources and harm people's health.

Republican senators to watch in the maneuvering over Trump's big bill
Republican senators to watch in the maneuvering over Trump's big bill

San Francisco Chronicle​

time3 hours ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Republican senators to watch in the maneuvering over Trump's big bill

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Senate has set an ambitious timeline for passing President Donald Trump's sweeping legislation to cut taxes and spending. But getting it on the Republican president's desk by July 4 will require some big decisions, and soon. Republican senators are airing concerns about different parts of the legislation, including cuts to Medicaid, changes to food aid and the impact on the deficit. To push the bill to passage, Senate Majority Leader John Thune of South Dakota and other negotiators will need to find a compromise that satisfies both ends of their conference — and that can still satisfy the House, which passed the bill last month by only one vote. A look at some of the groups and senators who leaders will have to convince as they work to push Trump's 'big, beautiful' bill toward a Senate vote: Rural state lawmakers Every Republican senator represents a state with a rural constituency — and some of their states are among the most rural in the country. Many in those less-populated areas rely heavily on Medicaid for health care, leading several of them to warn that the changes to the program in the bill could be devastating to communities that are already struggling. Of particular concern is a freeze on a so-called provider tax that some states use to help pay for large portions of their Medicaid programs. The extra tax often leads to higher payments from the federal government, which critics say is a loophole that allows states to inflate their budgets. Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri and several others have argued that freezing that tax revenue would hurt rural hospitals, in particular. 'Hospitals will close,' Hawley said last month. 'It's that simple. And that pattern will replicate in states across the country.' Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville said Thursday that provider taxes in his state are 'the money we use for Medicaid.' 'You start cutting that out, we've got big problems,' Tuberville said. Eliminating those taxes 'might lose some folks.' At the same time, Republican senators have little interest in a House-passed provision that spends more money by raising a cap on state and local tax deductions, known as SALT. The higher cap traditionally benefits more urban areas in states with high taxes, such as New York and California. The House included the new cap after New York Republicans threatened to oppose the bill, but Senate Republicans uniformly dislike it. 'I think there's going to have to be some adjustment' on the SALT provision, Thune said Wednesday, noting that 'senators are just in a very different place' from the House. Former (and maybe future) governors The House-passed bill would also shift some Medicaid and food stamp costs to states, a change that has the former governors in the Senate, in particular, worried. West Virginia Sen. Jim Justice, who was governor of his state for eight years before his election to the Senate last year, said he favors many aspects of the bill. He supports the new work requirements for Medicaid and food stamp recipients, the restrictions on benefits for immigrants who are in the country illegally and the efforts to cut down on fraud. 'There's real savings there,' Justice said. 'But then we ought to stop.' 'We're on our way to cannibalizing ourselves,' Justice said. 'We don't want to hurt kids and hurt our families.' The provision stirring the most unease would shift 5% of administrative costs to the state for administering food stamps — known as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. States that have high error rates in the program would have to take on an even higher percentage of federal costs. North Dakota Sen. John Hoeven, also a former governor, said senators are working to get feedback from current governors and may propose some 'incentive-oriented ideas' instead of a penalty for the high error rates. 'We don't know if the states have really looked at the impacts of some of this yet,' Hoeven said. Tuberville, who is running for governor of Alabama next year, said the program should be reformed instead of shifting costs. 'I know what our budget is and what we can afford, and we can't start a federal program and then say, 'Oh, let's, let's send it back to the states and let them take a big hunk of it,'' Tuberville said. 'I mean, that's not the way we do it.' The moderates Thune needs to bring Republican moderates on board with the bill, including Maine Sen. Susan Collins and Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski. Both have reservations with the Medicaid cuts, among other things. Collins said she wants to review how the SNAP changes will affect her state. Murkowski has questioned expiring subsidies for the Affordable Care Act and whether they might be needed if people are kicked off Medicaid. Last month, Murkowski said she wants to make sure that people are not negatively impacted by the bill, 'so we're looking at it through that lens for both Medicaid and on energy.' Murkowski and Sens. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, John Curtis of Utah and Jerry Moran of Kansas have also supported energy tax credits that would be phased out quickly under the House bill. The four senators argued that the quick repeal creates uncertainty for businesses and could raise prices for consumers. The right flank Sens. Rand Paul of Kentucky, Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, Mike Lee of Utah and Rick Scott of Florida have argued the legislation does not save enough money and threatened to vote against it. Paul is considered the least likely to support the measure. He says he won't vote for it if it raises the debt ceiling — a key priority for GOP leaders in both the House and the Senate. The package would raise the nation's debt limit by $4 trillion to allow more borrowing to pay the nation's bills, as the Treasury Department says the limit needs to be raised by the middle of July. Johnson has been railing against the legislation since it was unveiled in the House, arguing that it does little to reduce government spending over time. He took those arguments to Trump last week at a meeting between the president and members of the Senate Finance Committee. After the meeting, Johnson said he would continue to argue that the bill needs to do more to cut costs. But he said he came away with the recognition that he needed to be 'more positive' as Trump exerts political pressure on Republicans to pass it. 'We're a long ways from making the deficit curve bend down, but I recognize that's going to take time,' Johnson said. 'The truth is, there are a lot of good things in this bill that I absolutely support. I want it to succeed.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store