
Whitefish Police officer cited immigration violations as reason for contacting federal authorities during traffic stop
May 30—A Whitefish police officer cited recent immigration violations as a reason for contacting federal immigration authorities during an April 24 traffic stop that ended in the detainment of a Venezuelan man in the U.S. legally.
According to the case report, obtained by the Daily Inter Lake, officer Michael Hingiss called the regional dispatch line for U.S. Border Patrol to request "a person check," even though Beker Rengifo del Castillo had already provided identifying documents, including a driver's license, vehicle registration and proof of current insurance.
"Immigration violations have been an ongoing issue in Flathead County," Hingiss wrote in his account. "Spokane Dispatch did not provide any details on [Rengifo del Castillo] to officer Hingiss and stated they had an agent responding to officer Hingiss. The intent of the call was to check the individual stopped to see if any federal contacts were needed."
Rengifo del Castillo was held in federal custody for about a week following the traffic stop. He was released on April 30 without charge.
Andrea Sweeney, an attorney representing Rengifo del Castillo at the time of the incident, said the reason for the detainment was unclear. Rengifo del Castillo reportedly moved to the Flathead Valley from Venezuela in July 2024 under a two-year humanitarian parole program. The Trump administration has made repeated efforts to end the program, but a federal court order blocked the termination of participants' parole status at the time of Rengifo del Castillo's detainment.
Local law enforcement agencies lack the authority to enforce federal immigration policies, but area police departments confirmed that they do cooperate with Border Patrol officials in some instances, such as verifying the identity of unknown individuals.
In the case report, Hingiss stated that he noticed a car with a broken taillight at about 5:17 p.m. on April 24. The car's registration was not linked to a specific driver's license number. While not illegal, Hingiss suggested that the lack of an operator license number was unusual. The two cars traveled for about two blocks after Hingiss activated his patrol lights, reportedly passing "a safe area to stop on the shoulder" of the road to come to a final stop near the corner of 5th Street and Spokane Avenue.
Hingiss stated that Rengifo del Castillo did not roll his window down all the way and "appeared nervous" throughout the traffic stop. A language barrier was also noted several times in the case report.
Rengifo del Castillo provided Hingiss with proof of insurance, a car registration issued in October 2024, and a driver's license issued in March 2025. John Skinner, Rengifo del Castillo's parole sponsor, said he believed Rengifo del Castillo purchased the car last year with the expectation of receiving a U.S. driver's license in the coming months.
After reviewing the documents, Hingiss made the call to U.S. Border Patrol. An agent from the Whitefish office arrived on the scene as Hingiss was printing a written warning for the broken taillight on Rengifo del Castillo's car. The case report states that the Border Patrol agent aided Hingiss in communicating with Rengifo del Castillo.
WHITEFISH POLICE Chief Bridger Kelch declined to answer questions about the case report.
The chief has previously said that he did not believe that either explicit or implicit bias played a role in the outcome of the traffic stop and said the department would not be looking into the incident further.
The department's bias policy states that "any alleged or observed violations" of bias-based policing are subject to investigation by the department supervisor.
City officials have largely supported Kelch's interpretation of the event and spurned allegations of unfair policing practices.
"The Whitefish Police Department has no record of being racist at all," said Whitefish City Councilor Steve Qunell.
Qunell initially seemed to suggest that Hingiss' decision to involve Border Patrol in the traffic stop may have involved some level of bias.
"I've been pulled over before and nobody asks me my immigration status," he stated at a May 5 City Council meeting that involved discussion of the traffic stop.
But in a later interview with the Inter Lake, Qunell deemed criticisms of the Whitefish Police Department unfair. While he said that Rengifo del Castillo's detainment was unjust, Qunell argued that the blame for the incident lies with the federal government, not local law enforcement.
"I don't know what happened," he said. "We need to be transparent. I think that every law enforcement agency has been put in an untenable situation."
Qunell declined to comment on whether he had reviewed the case report or other internal documentation of the traffic stop, such as body camera footage.
The Inter Lake also contacted Whitefish City Councilors Rebecca Norton and Giuseppe Caltabiano for comment on the case report. Norton declined to comment. Caltabiano did not respond by deadline, but he expressed support for the Whitefish Police Department in an opinion piece published by the Inter Lake earlier this month.
"It is both troubling and unjust that some in our community are quick to vilify our officers without access to all the facts or regard for due process ... Our police department has clearly stated — and I fully support — that it does not engage in biased-based policing," wrote Caltabiano.
Officer Hingiss has not been accused of a crime, so he is not subject to due process at this time.
Images of the case report are available in the online version of this story.
Reporter Hailey Smalley may be reached at 758-4433 or hsmalley@dailyinterlake.com.
The first page of the police report filed on the April 24 traffic stop.
The second page of the police report filed on the April 24 traffic stop.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
An overwhelming majority of Venezuelans sent to Salvadoran prison were not convicted of US crimes. Trump admin was fully aware.
Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up The data indicates that the government knew that only six of the immigrants were convicted of violent crimes: four for assault, one for kidnapping and one for a weapons offense. And it shows that officials were aware that more than half, or 130, of the deportees were not labeled as having any criminal convictions or pending charges; they were labeled as only having violated immigration laws. Advertisement As for foreign offenses, our own review of court and police records from around the United States and in Latin American countries where the deportees had lived found evidence of arrests or convictions for 20 of the 238 men. Of those, 11 involved violent crimes such as armed robbery, assault or murder, including one man who the Chilean government had asked the U.S. to extradite to face kidnapping and drug charges there. Another four had been accused of illegal gun possession. Advertisement We conducted a case-by-case review of all the Venezuelan deportees. It's possible there are crimes and other information in the deportees' backgrounds that did not show up in our reporting or the internal government data, which includes only minimal details for nine of the men. There's no single publicly available database for all crimes committed in the U.S., much less abroad. But everything we did find in public records contradicted the Trump administration's assertions as well. ProPublica and the Tribune, along with Venezuelan media outlets Cazadores de Fake News (Fake News Hunters) and Alianza Rebelde Investiga (Rebel Alliance Investigates), also obtained lists of alleged gang members that are kept by Venezuelan law enforcement officials and the international law enforcement agency Interpol. Those lists include some 1,400 names. None of the names of the 238 Venezuelan deportees matched those on the lists. The hasty removal of the Venezuelans and their incarceration in a third country has made this one of the most consequential deportations in recent history. The court battles over whether Trump has the authority to expel immigrants without judicial review have the potential to upend how this country handles all immigrants living in the U.S., whether legally or illegally. Officials have suggested publicly that, to achieve the president's goals of deporting millions of immigrants, the administration was considering suspending habeas corpus, the longstanding constitutional right allowing people to challenge their detention. Advertisement Hours before the immigrants were loaded onto airplanes in Texas for deportation, the Trump administration invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, declaring that the Tren de Aragua prison gang had invaded the United States, aided by the Venezuelan government. It branded the gang a foreign terrorist organization and said that declaration gave the president the authority to expel its members and send them indefinitely to a foreign prison, where they have remained for more than two months with no ability to communicate with their families or lawyers. Lee Gelernt, the lead attorney in the American Civil Liberties Union's legal fight against the deportations, said the removals amounted to a 'blatant violation of the most fundamental due process principles.' He said that under the law, an immigrant who has committed a crime can be prosecuted and removed, but 'it does not mean they can be subjected to a potentially lifetime sentence in a foreign gulag.' White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said in response to our findings that 'ProPublica should be embarrassed that they are doing the bidding of criminal illegal aliens who are a threat,' adding that 'the American people strongly support' the president's immigration agenda. When asked about the differences between the administration's public statements about the deportees and the way they are labeled in government data, DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin largely repeated Advertisement As for the administration's allegations that Tren de Aragua has attempted an invasion, an analysis by Our investigation focused on the 238 Venezuelan men who were deported on March 15 to CECOT, the prison in El Salvador, and whose names were on a list first published by We interviewed about 100 of the deportees' relatives and their attorneys. Many of them had heard from their loved ones on the morning of March 15, when the men believed they were being sent back to Venezuela. They were happy because they would be back home with their families, who were eager to prepare their favorite meals and plan parties. Some of the relatives shared video messages with us and on social media that were recorded inside U.S. detention facilities. In those videos, the detainees said they were afraid that they might be sent to Advertisement They had no idea they were being sent to El Salvador. Among them was 31-year-old Leonardo José Colmenares Solórzano, who left Venezuela and his job as a youth soccer coach last July. His sister, Leidys Trejo Solórzano, said he had a hard time supporting himself and his mother and that Venezuela's crumbling economy made it hard for him to find a better paying job. Colmenares was detained at an appointment to approach the U.S.-Mexico border in October because of his many tattoos, his sister said. Those tattoos include the names of relatives, a clock, an owl and a crown she said was inspired by the Real Madrid soccer club's logo. Colmenares was not flagged as having a criminal history in the DHS data we obtained. Nor did we find any U.S. or foreign convictions or charges in our review. Trejo said her brother stayed out of trouble and has no criminal record in Venezuela either. She described his expulsion as a U.S.-government-sponsored kidnapping. 'It's been so difficult. Even talking about what happened is hard for me,' said Trejo, who has scoured the internet for videos and photos of her brother in the Salvadoran prison. 'Many nights I can't sleep because I'm so anxious.' The internal government data shows that officials had labeled all but a handful of the men as members of Tren de Aragua but offered little information about how they came to that conclusion. Advertisement McLaughlin, the DHS spokesperson, said the agency is confident in its assessments of gang affiliation but would not provide additional information to support them. John Sandweg, a former acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, said, 'for political reasons, I think the administration wants to characterize this as a grand effort that's promoting public safety of the United States.' But 'even some of the government's own data demonstrates there is a gap between the rhetoric and the reality,' he said, referring to the internal data we obtained. The government data shows 67 men who were deported had been flagged as having pending charges, though it provides no details about their alleged crimes. We found police, court and other records for 38 of those deportees. We found several people whose criminal history differed from what was tagged in the government data. In some cases that the government listed as pending criminal charges, the men had been convicted and in one case the charge had been dropped before the man was deported. Our reporting found that, like the criminal convictions, the majority of the pending charges involved nonviolent crimes, including retail theft, drug possession and traffic offenses. Six of the men had pending charges for attempted murder, assault, armed robbery, gun possession or domestic battery. Immigrant advocates have said removing people to a prison in El Salvador before the cases against them were resolved means that Trump, asserting his executive authority, short-circuited the criminal justice system. Take the case of Wilker Miguel Gutiérrez Sierra, 23, who was arrested in February 2024 in Chicago on charges of attempted murder, robbery and aggravated battery after he and three other Venezuelan men allegedly assaulted a stranger on a train and stole his phone and $400. He pleaded not guilty. Gutiérrez was on electronic monitoring as he awaited trial when he was arrested by ICE agents who'd pulled up to him on the street in five black trucks, court records show. Three days later he was shipped to El Salvador. But the majority of men labeled as having pending cases were facing less serious charges, according to the records we found. Maikol Gabriel López Lizano, 23, was arrested in Chicago in August 2023 on misdemeanor charges for riding his bike on the sidewalk while drinking a can of Budweiser. His partner, Cherry Flores, described his deportation as a gross injustice. 'They shouldn't have sent him there,' she said. 'Why did they have to take him over a beer?' of ProPublica contributed data analysis. Adriana Núñez and Carlos Centeno contributed reporting.

Miami Herald
2 hours ago
- Miami Herald
New order by California judge protects some Venezuelan TPS holders from deportation
A federal judge has granted protection from deportation and work permits to as many as 5,000 Venezuelans who have Temporary Protected Status. U.S. District Judge Edward E. Chen in San Francisco on Friday granted an emergency motion filed by Venezuelan plaintiffs following last week's Supreme Court ruling that the Trump administration can deport some Venezuelans on TPS while a challenge wends its way through the courts. Chen's order involves two key dates: Jan. 17, 2025, when Alejandro Mayorkas, secretary of the Department of Homeland Security at the time, extended TPS for Venezuelans until next year, and Feb. 5, when the new DHS secretary, Kristi Noem, announced she was revoking the extension. In an 11-page ruling, Chen ordered the government to uphold the rights of TPS holders who received government documentation — such as work permits and/or TPS renewals — under Mayorkas's extension between between those two dates. 'If DHS granted that extension, it must honor it and comply with the court's order,' said Emi MacLean, a senior staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union who is among the lawyers representing the Venezuelans in the case. During Thursday's hearing, the government estimated that about 5,000 Venezuelans re-registered for TPS or work permits, a figure Chen referred to in his ruling. 'What we do know is that two of the named plaintiffs in our case do benefit from the order,' MacLean said. 'We also have named plaintiffs who fall outside the scope of Judge Chen's ruling—for example, those who received an automatic extension but only after February 5th. Additionally, we know there are people who made the effort to re-register but didn't receive any official notice in time to benefit from it.' The plaintiffs are represented by the Center for Immigration Law and Policy at UCLA School of Law, the ACLU Foundation of Southern California and the National Day Laborer Organizing Network. Noem revoked TPS protections for roughly 350,000 Venezuelans effective April 7 — stripping their right to work and exposing them to potential detention and deportation. Many affected individuals live in South Florida. After the Supreme Court ruling, Homeland Security updated its TPS guidance but has yet to clarify how it will implement the decision. On March 31, Chen blocked the Trump administration's attempt to revoke deportation protections for Venezuelans just days before their legal status was set to expire. Chen ruled that Venezuelan nationals with TPS could suffer 'irreparable injury' without a stay on their deportations. In April, a federal appeals court upheld Chen's stay, rejecting the government's request to lift it. However, on May 19 the Supreme Court issued a ruling favoring the Trump administration by allowing the termination of TPS to proceed while the case is litigated. The Supreme Court did not rule on the merits of the lawsuit, which was filed by seven Venezuelans and the National TPS Alliance in federal court in San Francisco. The high court clarified that its order does not prevent ongoing challenges to Noem's decision to cancel work permits and other official documents set to expire on Oct. 2, 2026.


San Francisco Chronicle
8 hours ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
California pioneered modern gang surveillance. Trump may be exploiting it
Six years before he was wrongly deported to a foreign prison over unproven gang ties, Kilmar Abrego Garcia got a firsthand lesson in American gang intelligence. In March 2019, Abrego Garcia stood outside a southern Maryland Home Depot chatting with three fellow day laborers when local police arrested them. Abrego Garcia was never charged with a crime or accused of one. But he was placed on a list of 'verified' gang members, something he discovered at an immigration hearing a month later. According to his attorneys, Abrego Garcia left El Salvador as a teen to escape the gangs that threatened to kidnap and ransom him. The evidence that he belonged to one of them came down to who he was with and what he wore. The practice of labeling him originated in California, the first U.S. state to legally define gangs and equate them with terrorist organizations. The Prince George's County Police Department, which arrested Abrego Garcia and handed him to federal immigration authorities, said a confidential informant told them that Abrego Garcia belonged to MS-13, an international gang started by Salvadorans in 1980s Los Angeles that was partial to bull horns as a symbol. That Abrego Garcia was wearing a Chicago Bulls hat and hoodie when he was arrested indicated he 'was a member in good standing,' an arrest report stated. The first Trump administration lost its bid to legally deport Abrego Garcia. The second Trump administration circumvented the legal process. In 2019, an immigration judge determined that Abrego Garcia was more likely to be a victim of gang crime than a purveyor of it, and granted him protection from future deportation. On March 12, three days before President Donald Trump signed an executive order claiming the U.S. was at war with the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, ICE agents arrested Abrego Garcia on his way home from work. The sheet metal worker had his autistic 5-year-old son in the backseat. Over the next four days, Abrego Garcia's attorneys say, he was moved to different locations in different states, questioned about gang affiliations, allowed two phone calls to his wife and flown to El Salvador, where he was frog-marched into a maximum-security prison for terrorists known as CECOT. At least 287 other U.S. migrants have experienced the same fate, though immigration advocates and attorneys suspect there are more. 'Many of these families really had their loved ones disappear,' Michelle Brané, a Biden administration immigration detention ombudsman who now leads the family reunification nonprofit Together & Free, said during a video briefing. 'It's just literally what it looks like to these families.' Numerous federal judges have recoiled at the White House's interpretation of U.S. law, issuing injunctions both preliminary and permanent against its invocation of the arcane Alien Enemies Act of 1798, threatening it with criminal contempt for not complying with orders to return migrants and directing it to do everything it can to bring back Abrego Garcia. Meanwhile, the Trump administration is attempting to deport scores of others for disputed gang affiliations. Attorneys for the detained immigrants say their clients are actually victims or potential victims of the gangs they're accused of belonging to. Some have had relatives killed; others say their sexual orientation would make them targets. While the administration initially chalked up Abrego Garcia's deportation as an ' administrative error,' it has since doubled down on claims that he belongs to MS-13, releasing his 2019 arrest report and offering as ' bombshell ' evidence a 2022 traffic stop in which Abrego Garcia was released with a warning. Attorneys for the banished migrants say Trump's actions are illegal. Civil libertarians say they are also a foreseeable, if extreme, extension of California's decades-long efforts to track criminal street gangs in computerized databases that have been found to be riddled with errors, assumptions and, in some cases, falsified reports. The state has tried to undo much of what it pioneered across the country — including the use of flawed gang intelligence in deportations. But the reforms are falling into a growing loophole, says a Southern California attorney who is trying to close it. Law of the land The grandson of a high-ranking Los Angeles and Newport Beach police official, Garcia-Leys already thought that cops placed too much stock in their own judgment. But it wasn't until the westside native moved to the lower-income, tightly packed Watts neighborhood in southern L.A., to teach at the lowest-performing high schools in the county, that he saw how heavily perception weighed in gang policing. 'In Watts, nobody trusted the police to do the right thing ever,' said Garcia-Leys, now the executive director of the Peace and Justice Law Center in Orange County, where he pursues local and statewide policing reforms. 'And it was just because they mistreated people, their demeanor, and they didn't seem to care if they got the right person.' Garcia-Leys said his students were resigned to their reality. They kept little more than a buck on them for their two-a-day 'pocket checks' — robbed by the gangbangers waiting for them outside of school, searched by the gang officers closer to home. 'It's the exact same sort of intimidation and harassment, and you'd experience it first at the hands of the gang and second at the hands of the police,' Garcia-Leys said. 'They were actually making the problem worse.' Garcia-Leys started his teaching career in 2001, four years after L.A.'s approach to gang policing became the California standard. He left teaching in 2010, after that standard had been adopted nationally. The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department created the nation's first computerized database of suspected gang members in 1987, a year before California adopted the nation's first law defining street gangs and creating stiff penalties for belonging to them. A decade later, L.A.'s database was the template for CalGang, a statewide intranet system that quickly became the country's most widely used gang database. To be entered into CalGang, individuals have to meet just two criteria on a nine-item checklist. They included: self-identifying as a gang member; being arrested with gang members; associating with gang members; being identified as a gang member by a reliable informant; being identified by an untested informant; frequenting gang areas; displaying gang signs; wearing gang attire; and having gang tattoos. CalGang ballooned into what critics contended was an indiscriminate dragnet of communities of color. In 2010, more than 235,000 people were logged in CalGang as active gang members — 41,000 of them living in L.A. — with up to 200 items of personal information about each individual. A 2015 study in the Journal of Forensic Social Work found that it didn't result in a reduction of gang-related crime in L.A. In Sacramento County, where the sheriff's and police departments managed their own databases, the low threshold and broad criteria resulted in expansive lists of mostly Black and brown boys and men, who could be and were labeled gang members for wearing their high school colors, making or appearing in rap videos, or being fans of the rap-rock duo Insane Clown Posse. One Sacramento man spent more than a decade mistakenly validated as a member of the gang responsible for shooting him. Another Sacramento man had his gang validation extended five years after he was pulled over while wearing a Sacramento Kings hat. A 2016 state audit found widespread problems with CalGang, including a lack of oversight, unjustified and inaccurate entries, and data privacy violations. But the system had already influenced federal immigration authorities. Not only did U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, have 'read-only' access to CalGang between January 2006 and October 2016, it modeled its own gang database, called ICEGangs, after California's, according to a September 2024 paper by UC Irvine criminologists. A third-year law student at UC Irvine in 2016, Garcia-Leys co-authored a paper about the ripple effects of CalGang's unreliable intel on immigration proceedings — used to fast-track deportations, justify detentions and withhold legal status from otherwise eligible Dreamers. Wrongful gang allegations also show up in wrongful convictions. At its July 2024 meeting, the California Victims Compensation Board granted financial restitution to two different men wrongfully convicted of gang-related murders in 2001. One was Ronald Velasquez, who was awarded $1.2 million after losing 8,587 days to a wrongful first-degree murder conviction. Abraham Villalobos was granted $788,000 for a wrongful conviction of second-degree murder with a gang enhancement, for which he spent 5,629 days incarcerated. Before the conviction was overturned in March 2024, Villalobos was deported to Mexico. Opting out of reforms Over the past decade, the California Legislature has attempted to correct the embattled CalGang system by mandating a notification and appeals process for the people entered into it, and shifting oversight from the L.A.-heavy law enforcement representatives on the executive board and advisory committee to the state Department of Justice. Assembly Bill 90 in 2017 prohibited information in shared gang databases from being used for immigration enforcement purposes, under threat of access being suspended or revoked. The reforms have had intended and unintended consequences. The number of accused people in the database has plunged 87% since the end of 2017, when there were almost 104,000 entries. And people are getting auto-purged from the system at higher numbers than they're being added. Still, CalGang entries have a high failure rate. In 2024, the state DOJ audited 675 gangs identified by law enforcement agencies, and found that 154 — more than a fifth — didn't meet its standards for qualifying as a gang. Another 60 audits were still pending. Racial disproportionality remains an ongoing concern. Of the 13,691 people in the database, 69% are Hispanic and 28% are Black. Comparatively, 40% of California's population is Hispanic and 6% is Black. White individuals made up 6.9% of the 13,691 people in CalGang in September 2024 — the same percentage as six years earlier. 'It highlights the bias in the system, that white gangs typically aren't considered gangs,' said Mike German, a former FBI agent and author of 'Policing White Supremacy: The Enemy Within.' 'There's a tendency because of the bias that's inherent in the system to view white crime as the acts of individuals while holding collective blame when they're nonwhite crimes.' The number of law enforcement agencies using CalGang has also plummeted. At the time of the 2016 state audit, 92% of law enforcement agencies said CalGang was the only gang database they used. Today, only 10 of California's roughly 600 law enforcement agencies are active users, according to the California Department of Justice's response to a public records request. Garcia-Leys fears this means that many agencies have instead chosen to operate internal gang databases to avoid state oversight. 'They should not be sharing their databases but we don't know if that's the case,' he said. 'Here's the problem, right? Nobody's using CalGang anymore.' He's circulating a legislative proposal to close what he describes as the 'shared database loophole,' to make sure these ad hoc databases can't be used to fuel Trump's extraordinary renditions. He said it's drawn lawmaker interest but, because of the summer session deadline, could be a couple years away. In response to public records requests, the Fresno County Sheriff's Office, an early CalGang administrator, said it does operate a shared database accessible by state and regional agencies. The San Francisco Police Department, whose notorious 'Chinatown Squad' in the late 1800s was the first 'ethnic crime' police force in the U.S., said it does not track gangs. And the Los Angeles Police Department — which got kicked out of CalGang in 2020 for falsifying records — said it does not document suspected gang members, contract with software vendors to do so or train its police force how to document gang members. Los Angeles police are still training the nation's gang officers, however. The LAPD is well-represented among the leadership of the L.A.-grown California Gang Investigators Association, whose 33rd national conference in Anaheim in August has some two dozen planned classes dedicated to 'the street gang problem.' They include seminars about gang enforcement operations, investigating minors, Black gangs, the Mexican Mafia, Nuestra Familia and one called the 'Tren de Aragua Menace.'