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Can PMX lose his grip on Sabah?

Can PMX lose his grip on Sabah?

Borneo Posta day ago

Sabah presents a significant and multifaceted challenge to Prime Minister Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, stemming from a complex interplay of political instability, historical grievances, resource disputes, and a deep-seated distrust of Malayan leaders. This distrust manifests in a widespread perception among Sabahans that Malayan leaders persist in their arrogant and condescending attitude toward Malaysians in the Borneo states.
In light of the imminent 27th state general election (PRN17), Anwar may already be standing at the cusp of a new political shift in the Federal Government's power grip on the Land Below the Wind. Having lost a strong commanding sway over Sarawak — which is now asserting significantly greater autonomy — he is growing increasingly nervous about Sabah.
For one, PKR has lost control of Pakatan Harapan in Sabah, with Datuk Ewon Benedick from UPKO, a component of BN, having taken over from PKR's Christina Liew in a shock PH state election outcome. This followed the widespread rebellion by 16 Sabah PKR divisional chiefs against Liew, and her declining popularity among party members, which sealed the foregone conclusion of her downfall.
Sabah, long known as the 'Wild, Wild East,' has a notoriously volatile political landscape, characterized by frequent shifts in party allegiances and persistent power struggles. This volatility directly undermines Anwar's efforts to maintain a stable governing coalition at the federal level, as Sabah's political support is crucial for his parliamentary majority. The fluidity of alliances — often driven by personal ambition and local power dynamics — makes it difficult for Anwar to forge lasting partnerships and implement consistent policies. Recent events, such as attempts to oust the Sabah Chief Minister, highlight this inherent instability.
Internal conflicts within Anwar's own party in Sabah further complicate matters, reflecting the deeply fragmented nature of the state's political scene.
Unfulfilled promises and unresolved issues stemming from the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) remain a major source of contention. Sabahans feel that the agreement, which governs Sabah and Sarawak's autonomy within Malaysia, has been consistently disregarded by successive federal governments. The demand for greater control over Sabah's resources — particularly oil and gas reserves located on its own continental shelf — is not merely an economic issue; it is a deeply felt assertion of self-determination and a rejection of what is perceived as historical exploitation. The ongoing dispute over Sabah's rightful share of federal revenue further fuels this resentment. This sense of injustice is amplified by the perception that Peninsular leaders fail to adequately acknowledge or address these longstanding grievances.
The current hottest issue swirling in kopitiam conversations is the corruption allegations involving nine of Sabah's political leaders. This has further complicated the situation for Anwar. His government faces immense pressure to address these allegations transparently and decisively, while simultaneously being under pressure to preserve political alliances for survival. Past experiences with perceived impunity for corrupt officials have fostered deep cynicism among Sabahans, who see these cases as further evidence of a system rigged against them. The lack of perceived accountability reinforces the existing distrust of Malayan leadership and fuels the belief that Sabah's concerns are routinely ignored or minimized.
Underlying all these challenges is a profound distrust of Malayan leaders among Sabahans, who have shifted from a previously docile posture to one of defiance in the face of federal leaders they widely perceive as lacking understanding of Sabah's unique identity, aspirations, and economic context. Decades of tolerance for federal domination have given way to resentment over numerous perceived manipulations — most notoriously, Project IC. Sabahans often feel that their distinct identity and needs are overlooked or misunderstood by Peninsular leaders, who are seen as imposing policies and priorities that are irrelevant or detrimental to Sabah. This lack of empathy only deepens existing tensions and makes it difficult for Anwar to build trust and foster cooperation. The growing sense of marginalization and neglect by the federal government continues to fuel resentment and undermine efforts at reconciliation.
In conclusion, Sabah poses a formidable challenge to Anwar — one that demands far more than political maneuvering. Addressing these complex issues requires genuine engagement with Sabah's unique concerns, a firm commitment to resolving historical grievances, and demonstrable efforts to build trust and mutual understanding between Malaya and Sabah. Without these, instability and distrust will persist. The overall scenario increasingly points to a potential loss of Anwar's strong-arm mastery over the state.
A significant reduction in PKR's and PH's seats in Sabah following PRN17 — a prediction that is not far-fetched — will weigh heavily on Anwar's political prestige and erode his power base at the federal level.

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