Auspicious office desk placement
IN the refined world of feng shui, desk placement is more than a decorative decision – it is an intentional act of energetic positioning. Much like a well-tailored suit or the right fragrance, how you place your desk speaks volumes before you have even uttered a word.
Your desk signals control, presence and direction. In today's world, where hybrid working blurs the boundaries of home and office, your desk becomes not only your professional sanctuary, but also your energetic stronghold.
At the heart of it lies the command position, a time-honoured principle in classical feng shui. The idea is elegant in its simplicity: place your desk where you can see the entrance to the room.
Ideally, place your desk diagonally, but never directly aligned with the doorway. Why? Because energetically, it positions you as the master of your domain. Therefore, you will not surprised and you will be prepared.
From a practical lens, this positioning cultivates a subtle psychological edge. You would feel more secure and your focus sharpens. Your mind relaxes into its natural state of flow.
In contrast, sitting with your back to a door, whether in a CEO's corner suite or a bedroom-turned-office, can trigger unease, hyper-awareness and even subconscious stress.
The ideal backdrop? A solid wall. In feng shui, this is referred to as your 'mountain of support'. Symbolically, it acts as your backing in life – your ancestors, your achievements and your mentors. It brings a grounded strength and a quiet resilience.
Another way is to go high with a tallback chair or add a mirror to see what is behind you. That way, you are restoring balance and reclaiming power.
While a window-facing desk might appear aspirational, especially with a city skyline or garden view, too much energy flow can be distracting.
Feng shui views windows as conduits of qi (energy) and an unbuffered flow can scatter concentration. The solution is not to block it out, but to soften it: sheer curtains, elegant Roman blinds or even a vase of fresh blooms can moderate the qi and still inspire.
Equally important is the art of editing your space. Clutter, in all its insidious forms – stacks of papers, tangled cables and that fifth coffee mug – muddies the energy. It stalls progress and fogs decision-making. A clear surface equals a clear mind.
So, channel your inner minimalist. Let your desk breathe and keep only what supports your daily function – or lifts your spirit.
Then, infuse it with personal elegance – such as a single jade plant for growth, a smooth black obsidian crystal for grounding or even an antique clock for harmony with time. Lighting should be flattering, not fluorescent. Think warm table lamps or ambient glow rather than harsh overhead glare.
Everything you add should reflect your taste and your intention. The desk, after all, is your energetic throne. It is where strategies are born, where breakthroughs are realised – and where your future is quietly, confidently shaped.
And in the realm of feng shui, as in life, it is never just about what you do. It is about where and how you choose to do it. Position with purpose, and let success find its way to your seat.
This article is contributed by feng shui consultant Daniel Siew. Discover more at www.danielsiew.com.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Express Tribune
2 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Jesus actor visits Vatican
A US actor known for playing Jesus on a popular television show visited the Vatican on Monday. Jonathan Roumie, star of the streaming series The Chosen about the life of Jesus Christ, spoke at an event ahead of a special Vatican screening of an episode from the fifth season of the show, which will release internationally in July. Roumie was joined by fellow cast members Elizabeth Tabish, George Xanthis, and Vanessa Benavente, who respectively play Mary Magdalene, St John the Apostle, and Mary, the Mother of God. "Coming to the Vatican is always an honour," Roumie, a practicing Christian, told Reuters. "The possibility of getting to meet the newest pontiff is extraordinary." The Chosen is a historical drama that follows the life of Jesus Christ – from gathering disciples to his ultimate persecution at the hands of the Roman empire. Season 5 includes Jesus's last supper with his disciples and many of the renowned biblical events just before his death. The cast came to the Vatican a day after wrapping up three weeks of shooting for the sixth season of the show which will portray the crucifixion, an episode filmed in the southern Italian town of Matera. One of the world's oldest continuous human settlements, with stone houses cut from surrounding cliffs, some of which have been occupied for millennia, Matera stood in for Jerusalem. US filmmaker Mel Gibson also used the Italian town for his 2004 film about the crucifixion, The Passion of the Christ. Roumie and the other cast members are set to meet Leo, the first US pontiff, during the pope's general audience in St Peter's Square on Wednesday. The show's creator, Dallas Jenkins, originally financed the pilot of The Chosen through crowdfunding in 2017. The series will come to an end with its seventh season, focused on Jesus' resurrection. Reuters
Scoop
7 hours ago
- Scoop
The Plebeian Council As An Example For Modern Citizen Empowerment
The political fight over America's Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) intensified in May 2025 with the passage of the House's Reconciliation Bill. The program, rooted in a Depression-era initiative to help the poor access food, has long drawn both praise for easing hunger and criticism for encouraging dependency and fraud. Though the Food Stamp Act permanently authorized the program in 1964 during the Civil Rights era, it now faces its most serious rollback yet. This moment invites comparison with the Roman Republic's enduring grain subsidies, formalized through the plebeian council by 123 BC. Like SNAP, these subsidies aimed to prevent hunger and unrest but were similarly attacked for creating dependency and political manipulation. Yet even after the republic gave way to the empire and the council lost its authority, the subsidies pushed through by the democratic citizen assembly remained, testament to the institution's lasting influence on Roman society. Of the republic's four core citizen assemblies, the plebeian council stood out for empowering non-elite citizens through direct lawmaking. Unlike Athenian citizens, who adopted direct democracy early around the birth of the Roman Republic in 509 BC, Roman citizens used the plebeian council to push gradually and persistently for greater political participation over centuries. The plebeian council's democratic characteristics contrast with the mostly representative political bodies of modern republics. Though the U.S. borrowed plenty from Roman republican ideas in shaping its political institutions, the U.S. never seriously considered the Roman tradition of direct citizen assemblies. Founding Fathers like James Madison framed representation, not participation, as the foundation of a republic. Yet the role of Rome's plebeian council suggests otherwise. Its arc provides a lens for today's debates over democracy and political representation, with its rise and decline showing the promise and pitfalls of citizen-led power. Formation As Harriet I. Flower argues in her book Roman Republics (2010), the republic was not a single, static regime but a series of evolving constitutional arrangements. Among its earliest innovations was the plebeian council, emerging in 494 BC during the First Secession of the Plebs. This was the first of five major secessions of the plebs, which saw plebeians, or commoners, withdraw from Rome in protest. In 494 BC, facing debt bondage and exclusion from political power and the judicial process, they marched out of Rome to the Sacred Mount and refused to fight, while enemy tribes threatened the city. Their actions brought the Roman economy to a halt and left it defenseless, forcing the patricians to negotiate. Amid the standoff, the plebeians formed their own tribal assembly as both a protest and a platform for negotiation, which would evolve into the plebeian council. As a citizen assembly rather than a representative one, plebeians could propose, debate, and vote on laws directly. Rare even by today's standards, this participatory model gave plebeians real political power and helped build early democratic concepts. Though initially unrecognized by the state and limited to passing laws (plebiscita) only binding on plebeians, the council gave Rome's lower classes a means to organize and push for reform. It would become a central force in the Conflict of the Orders social struggle between commoners and the aristocracy. To lead this body, plebeians created two 'anti-magistrate' positions: tribunes of the plebs. Though lacking formal recognition, the tribunes could convene assemblies, propose laws, and veto patrician actions. Their political influence was enforced by a collective plebeian oath, the lex sacrata, which bound plebeians to defend their tribunes, forcing patricians to tolerate them for the sake of stability. Tribune elections were briefly moved to the patrician-controlled assembly, Comitia Curiata, but returned to plebeian control when the council approved the Lex Publilia Voleronis law in 471 BC, which also expanded the number of tribunes to five. This marked an early assertion of plebeian autonomy that emphasized elected leadership, and by 457 BC, the number of tribunes was fixed at 10. Early Roman assemblies met within the Roman Forum, the political heart of the city, but elections in the late republic, including those of the plebeian council's, were held in the Campus Martius outside the city to accommodate larger gatherings. The plebeian council voted by tribe, with each tribe casting one vote. Originally, there were four urban tribes before increasing to 35 as Rome expanded. Early votes were by voice or show of hands, later replaced by secret ballots, and the council served three main purposes. The first was electing tribunes to represent plebeian interests, and aediles, who were responsible for public order and festivals. The second was passing laws by vote. The third involved handling judicial matters, mainly imposing fines in minor cases. In effect, the Roman plebeians created a powerful direct citizen assembly. Eligible plebeian males gathered in person to propose, debate, and vote on laws and officials, instead of handing those decisions to elected representatives. Despite the growing political power of the plebeians, the plebeian council, tribunes, and other political bodies and magistrates suspended their powers in 451 BC. A 10-man board, the decemvirate, was tasked with drafting Rome's first written laws, the Twelve Tables. When the decemvirs became tyrannical, plebeians launched a Second Secession in 449 BC, helping compel the decemvirs to resign and restoring the tribunes and plebeian council, which remained central to Roman politics until dictator Sulla's reforms in the early 1st century BC. Legal Empowerment and Peak Authority While it's never been clear whether the plebeian council and the tribal assembly were distinct bodies or the same institution convened with or without patricians present, plebeian institutional power had grown remarkably. Having seen the effectiveness of mass strikes, a third plebeian secession in 445 BC protested bans on intermarriage between patricians and plebeians, as well as the patrician monopoly on the consulship. The resulting compromise, mediated through the council, legalized intermarriage through the Lex Canuleia law and introduced military tribunes with consular power. The power of the tribunes played a crucial role in chipping away at elite control over executive authority. Centuries later, Niccolò Machiavelli, writing in his Discourses on Livy, praised them as vital checks on aristocratic power, which helped effectively mediate between the rich and poor to maintain balance over hierarchy, reflecting the tensions he saw in the Italian city-states. Major plebeian council reforms followed in the 4th century BC. The Leges Liciane Sextiae in 367 BC capped public land ownership to combat growing elite accumulation of land, and mandated that at least one consul be plebeian, breaking the patrician monopoly on Rome's highest office. Enforcement was uneven, and the Lex Genucia of 342 BC, passed amid a fourth plebeian secession, reaffirmed the rules regarding a plebeian consul. It also banned interest charges and imposed term limits on magistrates, and though inconsistently applied, these laws signaled growing recognition of plebeian rights. These reforms were not abstract ideals but direct responses to mounting economic inequality, widespread debt, and the concentration of power among the elite. By targeting landholding, lending practices, and political access, the plebeian council began to assert itself as an entity capable of shaping the republic's institutions through social pressure. While earlier plebiscita required Senate approval after voting, the Leges Publilia of 339 BC changed the process by requiring Senate approval (auctoritas partum) to be granted before the vote. This meant plebeian laws could no longer be blocked after passage. In addition, the laws also reinforced that at least one consul should be plebeian. Building on these changes, laws like the Lex Poetelia Papira of 326 BC abolished debt bondage and expanded legal protections, while the Lex Ogulnia (300 BC) opened key priesthoods to plebeians, weakening patrician religious control. The council's greatest legislative victory came in 287 BC, during the fifth and final secession of the plebs. Public discontent had swelled when land seized in the Third Samnite War—fought largely by plebeian soldiers—was handed out to patricians. As foreign threats continued to mount, the plebs withdrew to Janiculum Hill and refused to fight. Understanding how essential they were to Rome's defense and prosperity, the plebs used the crisis to demand lasting change. To resolve the standoff, the plebeian Quintus Hortensius, a lawyer and statesman, was appointed dictator. He passed the Lex Hortensia, which made plebiscita binding on all Roman citizens, without requiring Senate approval. The law affirmed the legislative equality of the plebeian council and opened the way for plebeians to attain Rome's highest honors and offices. It effectively ended the Conflict of the Orders and the long struggle for legal equality, and demonstrated how the Romans, through nonviolent protest and structured political action, were able to enact legal change from within the system they were helping to build. Integration into Populism As Rome expanded, efforts to curb financial inequality and elite dominance continued. The Lex Flaminia (232 BC) redistributed public land to poor Roman citizens, while the Lex Claudia (218 BC)restricted senators from owning large merchant ships, attempting to separate wealth from political power. Expansion also brought population growth and the rise of a new middle class. As historian Guglielmo Ferrero notes, patricians sought to retain power by absorbing wealthy newcomers by 'intermarrying with their families and allowing them a share in the government.' A new elite class, the nobiles, emerged, defined by ancestry in high office, regardless of patrician or plebeian origin. The equestrian order, a wealthy non-senatorial class that included both patricians and plebeians, also gained influence. As wealthy plebeians joined the elite, their interests began to diverge from the broader plebeian masses. Economic inequality deepened, military burdens grew, and public unrest increased. Small family farms declined in favor of large plantations worked by an influx of slaves from conquest, disrupting the labor market. Rome's swelling urban population became increasingly reliant on imported foods from across the expanding republic, reshaping society and the economy. The plebeian council, once a radical institution, became partially captured by the establishment and increasingly unable to respond to plebeian needs. In the 100s BC, however, the council's influence saw a revival through populist tribunes and the rise of the populares, a political movement that mobilized plebeian support to challenge the senate. The Gracchi brothers, Tiberius and Gaius, gained strong public support for reform. Tiberius, elected tribune in 133 BC, passed the Lex Sempronia Agraria to redistribute land and limit aristocratic holdings. Gaius continued the effort during his tribunate, introducing the Lex Frumentaria in 123 BC to subsidize grain for the urban poor, and the Lex Sempronia Judiciaria, shifting jury control from senators to the equestrian class. Faced with growing inequality and social strain, the plebeian council increasingly directed its energy toward social relief for ordinary citizens. Though no longer revolutionary, its institutional power was vital for enacting reforms that responded to the economic and political pressures of a rapidly changing republic. Decline and Political Violence Despite praising Tiberius for expanding protections for enslaved people, Machiavelli criticized Tiberius for destabilizing constitutional norms (particularly by removing a fellow tribune) and upending the republic. The Gracchi brothers' popular reforms provoked fierce aristocratic backlash, and Tiberius was killed by a senatorial mob in 133 BC, while Gaius also met a violent death during political turmoil in 121 BC. Their murders ushered in an era of open political violence in Rome. Political reforms proposed by tribune Saturninus saw his assassination in 100 BC, and the murder of tribune Drusus in 91 BC helped spark the Social War with Rome's Italian allies, who were seeking citizenship. In 88 BC, the plebeian council voted to strip consul Sulla of his military command, but he responded by marching on Rome, the first time a Roman general seized power by force. After his popular rival Marius briefly regained control and died, Sulla returned in 82 BC and declared himself dictator. He stripped tribunes of their veto power, legislative authority, and access to higher office. Though some powers were later restored, the higher office was permanently weakened. Rome's expanding empire further diminished the plebeian council's influence. Long military campaigns kept plebeians abroad, reducing assembly participation and weakening popular institutions. By the late republic, tribunes and the council increasingly became tools for ambitious power brokers. In 58 BC, the Lex Clodia de capite civis Romani outlawed the execution of Roman citizens without trial. While it strengthened civic protections, its main aim was to punish consul Cicero for executing conspirators during the Catiline crisis, highlighting the council's shift toward personal and factional retribution. Political and social lines also blurred. Plebeians like Sulla upheld the aristocracy, while patricians like Julius Caesar allied with the plebeian council and populares. After Caesar's assassination, Augustus consolidated power, was named 'Tribune for Life,' and became Rome's first emperor in 27 BC. Though the council formally remained, it became politically irrelevant like the rest of the republican bodies. Conclusion The plebeian council was far from perfect. Patricians often circumvented the council's laws, relying on taxation and foreign conquest to replace profits lost from banned commercial activity. Some reforms, like the Lex Frumentaria, were criticized for draining the treasury and disproportionately benefiting urban citizens. Voting rights excluded women and slaves, as well as many inhabitants of the republic who were not citizens. Corruption grew over time, especially as wealthier plebeians gained influence. Yet for centuries, the lower classes stood by their tribunes and took revenge against elites who harmed them. The plebeian council embodied collective power, challenging patrician political dominance and providing a rare example of mass politics within a formal institution. Its embrace of tribal politics contrasts with today's discomfort with the concept, outside the two-party system. The U.S. has no direct equivalent to the plebeian council, but it has consistently passed laws aiming at protecting citizens. The Homestead Act of 1862 expanded land access, though at the cost of Indigenous dispossession and exclusion of Black Americans. The 14th Amendment (1868) guaranteed birthright citizenship, and the Bankruptcy Act of 1898 protected debtors from imprisonment. During the Great Depression, the New Deal gave substantial economic relief to citizens, while the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s secured landmark legal equality. The Fair Debt Collection Practices Act (1977) reinforced debt protections, and immigration reform in 1986 and 2012 granted limited rights to undocumented people, expanding citizenship-adjacent privileges. But since the 1960s, broad public victories have become rarer, and no institution exists solely to defend the public's interest. Union membership has declined over the last few decades, weakening mass strike power. Reforms in the 2020s have seen significant setbacks. The expanded Child Tax Credit, which in 2021 increased benefits, expired at the end of that year and returned to its earlier structure. Student debt relief was scaled back, and SNAP benefits, housing assistance, and minimum wage protections have also been cut. Rights themselves, such as marriage equality, have become partisan tools, shaped not only by political alignment but by changing interpretations in the Supreme Court. While ballot initiatives may give some direct power at the state level, they are fragmented and often face legal or political obstruction. The plebeian council, while imperfect, showed how to empower the larger population. Mass politics carries risks of populism and demagoguery, but when structured properly, it can stabilize a society rather than accelerate its decline. The plebeian council shows how organized, citizen-led institutions can respond to inequality and shape reform by building collective pressure and becoming a significant force that cannot be dismissed. Author Bio: John P. Ruehl is an Australian-American journalist living in Washington, D.C., and a world affairs correspondent for the Independent Media Institute. He is a contributor to several foreign affairs publications, and his book, Budget Superpower: How Russia Challenges the West With an Economy Smaller Than Texas', was published in December 2022.
Daily Mirror
8 hours ago
- Daily Mirror
The One Show's Alex Jones left red-faced as Roman Kemp forced to step in
The One Show host Alex Jones was left red-faced during Tuesday's episode as she suffered an awkward blunder The One Show's Alex Jones was left red-faced after a hilarious on-air gaffe required her co-star to jump in. In the episode aired on Tuesday (June 24), the Welsh presenter was joined by Roman Kemp as they chatted with a host of celebrities on the BBC One show. The pair welcomed Lena Dunham, who discussed her latest Netflix romantic comedy 'Too Much', with co-stars Megan Stalter and The White Lotus actor Will Sharpe lounging on the famous green sofa. Football legend Ian Wright also featured, sharing his journey back to his roots to kick off a girls' football team, alongside head coach Paul Palmer. But it was a particular moment that caused Alex to blush. With Wimbledon fever gripping the nation, they tuned into a pre-recorded segment with Chris Bavin at a strawberry farm, highlighting the soaring demand for strawberries during the tournament, with a staggering 200 million expected to be consumed, reports Wales Online. Returning to the studio post-clip, Alex seemed momentarily unprepared to proceed, casually asking Roman: "Do you put sugar on your strawberries?" Roman hesitated, prompting Alex to interject: "I was thinking that watching and thought I bet you do" to which Roman confessed: "You know I put sugar on everything. It's just the way it is." Caught up in their banter, Alex turned to Roman and urged him to take over, saying: "Right carry on." Realising her error, she glanced at the camera and said: "Oh it's me." The studio erupted in giggles as Roman queried: "Do you want me to go?" and a red-faced giggling Alex responded: "Yeah go on." It comes as another blunder earlier this week saw Alex come to the rescue after EastEnders legend Michelle Collins made a mistake. In the episode aired on June 24th, the Albert Square favourite discussed her upcoming hiatus from the beloved BBC soap to embark on a new challenge. This August, the seasoned actress is set to captivate audiences at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe with her solo act in the darkly humorous Motorhome Marilyn, penned by Ben Weatherill. Fellow guest Sean Hayes, curious about her performance schedule, enquired: "So when does it start?" eliciting an uncertain reply from Michelle, "Umm 29th of July?". An awkward pause later, Alex had to intervene correcting Michelle, with an animated look towards the lens, "No. It's the 30th." Laughter filled the air as Michelle quickly amended: "The 30th, thank you Alex. Don't come on the 29th." The One Show airs weekdays from 7pm on BBC One and iPlayer
