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Coalition of sleep experts calls for end to daylight saving time

Coalition of sleep experts calls for end to daylight saving time

Yahoo27-01-2025

Jan. 27 (UPI) -- Experts say the political momentum is building to end the United States' more than 70-year-old seasonal time change, according to new information.
Daylight saving time is slated to arrive this year on March 9 and switch over again on Nov. 2.
"The switch to daylight saving time in the spring may seem harmless, but the reality is far more complicated," Jay Pea, co-chair of the Coalition for Permanent Standard Time, wrote Monday in a release.
President Donald Trump, in December when he was a presidential candidate, called for the elimination of daylight saving time, characterizing it as "inconvenient" and "costly."
The U.S. Department of Energy found in 2008 that energy savings netted by the practice that year amounted to a minuscule 0.03% of saved electricity consumption.
According to Pea, adopting a permanent standard time would offer "a better solution for year-round well-being."
The practice was adopted during the second World War intended to preserve energy.
The coalition leading the charge includes the American Academy of Sleep Medicine, National Sleep Foundation, Save Standard Time, Sleep Research Society and the Society for Research on Biological Rhythm.
But many experts argue that health is the driving factor, and that standard time aligns more closely with the body's natural circadian rhythms.
A professor at Stanford Medicine advised to "consider that all the health data" that points to the benefits of trying to "lock the clock to [a single] standard time."
"It is best for kids, adults and elderly," Dr. Andrew D. Huberman, a professor of neurobiology and ophthalmology, posted Wednesday on social media.
"Happy to go toe-to-toe with anyone on this," he added.
Moreover, seasonal change in time "disrupts our body clocks, affects our sleep quality, and increases risk of avoidable health and safety incidents, such as motor vehicle accidents, cardiovascular events, and even workplace errors in the days following the time change," stated Pea, also the president of Save Standard Time.
A recent AASM survey, meanwhile, found that roughly 50% of the American public supported legislation to eliminate seasonal time changes with about 26% diametrically opposed to the idea.
"Looks like the people want to abolish the annoying time changes!" Trump adviser and billionaire Elon Musk posted on his social media platform X in November during a separate poll.
However, a YouGovAmerica Poll nearly four years ago went further than the AASM survey.
The 2021 YouGov survey suggested that 63% of the public was ready to eliminate the practice of changing clocks twice a year to account for daylight saving time.
"We've tried permanent daylight saving time before, and it didn't work," Pea noted. "This time, let's get it right by prioritizing health and safety with permanent standard time."
For the fourth time in five years, federal legislation was introduced in 2023 aimed to make daylight saving time permanent. Called the Sunshine Protection Act, it eventually stalled in committee like other similar efforts to address the decades-long time switches.
"The Republican Party will use its best efforts to eliminate Daylight Saving Time, which has a small but strong constituency, but shouldn't!" Trump, 78, said in December.
Meanwhile, scores of lawmakers in recent years have advocated for the elimination of the practice although disagreement remains.
Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., said weeks ago that "enough is enough" and it's "time to lock the clock."
It means "one less hour of daylight in the evenings, longer nights, and a rise in Seasonal Affective Disorder," the Alabama Republican, a Trump ally, posted on X in December.
The Illinois-based American Academy of Sleep Medicine provided tips to the public as the March 9 daylight savings time date looms.
In order to minimize sleep disruption, the AASM suggested at least seven hours of sleep, to gradually adjust bed times and the timing of daily routines, set offline clocks ahead one hour and "head outdoors for early morning sunlight the week after the time change," AASM officials wrote.

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‘We're Just Becoming a Weapon of the State'
‘We're Just Becoming a Weapon of the State'

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time2 hours ago

  • Atlantic

‘We're Just Becoming a Weapon of the State'

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My 5-year-old survived cancer – twice. Don't put politics before medical research.
My 5-year-old survived cancer – twice. Don't put politics before medical research.

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

My 5-year-old survived cancer – twice. Don't put politics before medical research.

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US health care is rife with high costs and deep inequities, and that's no accident
US health care is rife with high costs and deep inequities, and that's no accident

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US health care is rife with high costs and deep inequities, and that's no accident

House Committee on Energy and Commerce Chairman Brett Guthrie, R-Ky., left, and ranking member Frank Pallone, D-N.J., right, speak during a markup of Medicaid budget cuts, May 13, 2025 in Washington, D.C. (Photo by) A few years ago, a student in my history of public health course asked why her mother couldn't afford insulin without insurance, despite having a full-time job. I told her what I've come to believe: The U.S. health care system was deliberately built this way. People often hear that health care in America is dysfunctional — too expensive, too complex and too inequitable. But dysfunction implies failure. What if the real problem is that the system is functioning exactly as it was designed to? Understanding this legacy is key to explaining not only why reform has failed repeatedly, but why change remains so difficult. I am a historian of public health with experience researching oral health access and health care disparities in the Deep South. My work focuses on how historical policy choices continue to shape the systems we rely on today. By tracing the roots of today's system and all its problems, it's easier to understand why American health care looks the way it does and what it will take to reform it into a system that provides high-quality, affordable care for all. Only by confronting how profit, politics and prejudice have shaped the current system can Americans imagine and demand something different. My research and that of many others show that today's high costs, deep inequities and fragmented care are predictable features developed from decades of policy choices that prioritized profit over people, entrenched racial and regional hierarchies, and treated health care as a commodity rather than a public good. Over the past century, U.S. health care developed not from a shared vision of universal care, but from compromises that prioritized private markets, protected racial hierarchies and elevated individual responsibility over collective well-being. Employer-based insurance emerged in the 1940s, not from a commitment to worker health but from a tax policy workaround during wartime wage freezes. The federal government allowed employers to offer health benefits tax-free, incentivizing coverage while sidestepping nationalized care. This decision bound health access to employment status, a structure that is still dominant today. In contrast, many other countries with employer-provided insurance pair it with robust public options, ensuring that access is not tied solely to a job. In 1965, Medicare and Medicaid programs greatly expanded public health infrastructure. Unfortunately, they also reinforced and deepened existing inequalities. Medicare, a federally administered program for people over 64, primarily benefited wealthier Americans who had access to stable, formal employment and employer-based insurance during their working years. Medicaid, designed by Congress as a joint federal-state program, is aimed at the poor, including many people with disabilities. The combination of federal and state oversight resulted in 50 different programs with widely variable eligibility, coverage and quality. Southern lawmakers, in particular, fought for this decentralization. Fearing federal oversight of public health spending and civil rights enforcement, they sought to maintain control over who received benefits. Historians have shown that these efforts were primarily designed to restrict access to health care benefits along racial lines during the Jim Crow period of time. Today, that legacy is painfully visible. States that chose not to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act are overwhelmingly located in the South and include several with large Black populations. Nearly 1 in 4 uninsured Black adults are uninsured because they fall into the coverage gap – unable to access affordable health insurance – they earn too much to qualify for Medicaid but not enough to receive subsidies through the Affordable Care Act's marketplace. The system's architecture also discourages care aimed at prevention. Because Medicaid's scope is limited and inconsistent, preventive care screenings, dental cleanings and chronic disease management often fall through the cracks. That leads to costlier, later-stage care that further burdens hospitals and patients alike. Meanwhile, cultural attitudes around concepts like 'rugged individualism' and 'freedom of choice' have long been deployed to resist public solutions. In the postwar decades, while European nations built national health care systems, the U.S. reinforced a market-driven approach. Publicly funded systems were increasingly portrayed by American politicians and industry leaders as threats to individual freedom – often dismissed as 'socialized medicine' or signs of creeping socialism. In 1961, for example, Ronald Reagan recorded a 10-minute LP titled 'Ronald Reagan Speaks Out Against Socialized Medicine,' which was distributed by the American Medical Association as part of a national effort to block Medicare. The health care system's administrative complexity ballooned beginning in the 1960s, driven by the rise of state-run Medicaid programs, private insurers and increasingly fragmented billing systems. Patients were expected to navigate opaque billing codes, networks and formularies, all while trying to treat, manage and prevent illness. In my view, and that of other scholars, this isn't accidental but rather a form of profitable confusion built into the system to benefit insurers and intermediaries. Even well-meaning reforms have been built atop this structure. The Affordable Care Act, passed in 2010, expanded access to health insurance but preserved many of the system's underlying inequities. And by subsidizing private insurers rather than creating a public option, the law reinforced the central role of private companies in the health care system. The public option – a government-run insurance plan intended to compete with private insurers and expand coverage – was ultimately stripped from the Affordable Care Act during negotiations due to political opposition from both Republicans and moderate Democrats. 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The COVID-19 pandemic revealed just how brittle the infrastructure is – especially in low-income and rural communities, where overwhelmed clinics, delayed testing, limited hospital capacity, and higher mortality rates exposed the deadly consequences of neglect. Change is hard not because reformers haven't tried before, but because the system serves the very interests it was designed to serve. Insurers profit from obscurity – networks that shift, formularies that confuse, billing codes that few can decipher. Providers profit from a fee-for-service model that rewards quantity over quality, procedure over prevention. Politicians reap campaign contributions and avoid blame through delegation, diffusion and plausible deniability. This is not an accidental web of dysfunction. It is a system that transforms complexity into capital, bureaucracy into barriers. Patients – especially the uninsured and underinsured – are left to make impossible choices: delay treatment or take on debt, ration medication or skip checkups, trust the health care system or go without. Meanwhile, I believe the rhetoric of choice and freedom disguises how constrained most people's options really are. Other countries show us that alternatives are possible. Systems in Germany, France and Canada vary widely in structure, but all prioritize universal access and transparency. Understanding what the U.S. health care system is designed to do – rather than assuming it is failing unintentionally – is a necessary first step toward considering meaningful change. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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