The Catholic church's secret quest to quash clergy abuse investigation
A slew of recently unsealed court documents by New Jersey's Supreme Court reveals the secret quest of the Catholic Church to quash the state's grand jury investigation of decades of clergy sexual abuse.
The court has scheduled a hearing next month which pits the state Attorney General's Office against the Catholic Diocese of Camden over the issue of whether the state can go forward with its grand jury investigation of clergy abuse.
After a 2018 Pennsylvania grand jury report found that hundreds of Catholic priests had sexually abused at least 1,000 children, New Jersey's Attorney General launched its own investigation into clergy abuse in 2019.
For nearly seven years, New Jersey's clergy abuse victims and their advocates have been waiting for the state to issue a report. Many have grown frustrated by the apparent standstill and the Attorney General's office was tight lipped about its progress. Grand jury investigations are confidential and the state declined to reveal whether a grand jury had been convened.
Last month, The Record and NorthJersey.com revealed the reason for the delay after it discovered a once-sealed transcript of a court hearing which showed that the Camden Diocese successfully challenged the state's effort to conduct a grand jury investigation.
On Thursday, all of the court records revealing the secret battle were released by the judge. The court will also rule on whether the state can empanel a grand jury. If so, the state could move forward with its investigation and release a detailed report on clergy abusers and a coverup by the church. The hearing is scheduled for the court's April 28-29 session.
First Assistant Attorney General Lyndsay Ruotolo said that the commitment of the Attorney General's Clergy Abuse Task Force to the investigation "has never wavered.""For years, we have been seeking to convene a grand jury to present evidence collected by prosecutors across the state regarding decades of sexual abuse, the conditions that made that abuse possible, and the systematic failures to prevent it — and to allow the grand jury, as the conscience of our community, to make recommendations to ensure widespread abuse by clergy can never happen again," she said in a written statement.
Michael Walsh, Director of Communications for the Camden Diocese, did not respond to calls requesting comment. Lloyd Levenson, the attorney representing the diocese, also did not immediately respond.
The hundreds of pages of unsealed court filings open a window into a secret, yearslong battle by the Camden Diocese to bar New Jersey's Attorney General from investigating clergy abuse in the state.
In one of the unsealed briefs filed by the Camden Diocese, diocese lawyers challenged the state's authority to convene a special grand jury by arguing that state grand juries have no authority to issue a presentment relating to decades old allegations of abuse.
Unlike Pennsylvania, whose grand jury report inspired New Jersey's investigation, "the New Jersey Legislature has already effectively abolished the statutes of limitations for criminal and civil sexual abuse, obviating any need for a grand jury to recommend statutory changes."
Furthermore, the five Catholic Dioceses entered into "a Memorandum of Understanding in 2002 that established reporting procedures which effectively ended clergy abuse," the diocese attorneys wrote.
Superior Court Judge Peter Warshaw in Mercer County sided with Camden, saying that a grand jury presentment does not apply to religious organizations. In addition, he noted that a report by a special grand jury castigates an individual "without giving him the slightest opportunity to defend himself" and that many of the accused priests "were dead or of such advanced age that speaking up for oneself would be nearly impossible."
But the state urged the court to reconsider and reverse its decision, asserting that, "statewide sexual abuse by clergy, and the State's failure to prevent it, have had a tremendous impact on the public — and the full facts of how this widespread abuse went undetected and unaddressed have never been comprehensively resolved. A grand jury is empowered to investigate these harms, report on them, and offer recommendations to prevent their recurrence. There was no basis to foreclose an important, lawful presentment process that had not yet even begun."
The state also said that, "This dispute concerns one of the most wrenching public harms in recent memory: decades of sexual abuse of children by members of the clergy, and the conduct that allowed it to go undetected and unaddressed for so long."
Among the details revealed by the court documents is that even as a flurry of briefings were submitted to the trial court, more than 550 phone calls had come into the state's 24-hour Task Force hotline with callers "who alleged sexual, physical, verbal and mental abuse by clergy dating back to the 1940s and continuing to the recent past. The calls also detailed actions by Church officials to conceal misconduct, such as shuffling accused priests among parishes and promoting clergy who molested children," according to the state's brief. At least four clergy have been arrested. "I'm glad the Supreme Court saw fit to release this. It should never have been sealed," Clergy abuse advocate Mark Crawford said. "The victims were starting to give up hope about the truth ever coming out."
Ruotolo, from the Attorney General's office, said: "We were disappointed when the trial court prevented us from even bringing this evidence to a grand jury, and we are grateful that the New Jersey Supreme Court agreed to hear this case. Now that this case has been made public for the first time in this years-long dispute, victims and survivors will have an opportunity to make their voices heard — and to speak to the real harms that we have never lost sight of.'
This article originally appeared on NorthJersey.com: How the Catholic church tried to quash investigation into clergy abuse

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USA Today
2 hours ago
- USA Today
'Civil rights for everyone!' LGBTQ+ community holds massive rally in DC
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June is Pride Month, which comes amid a seismic shift in federal policy as the Trump administration turns back the clock on diversity, equity and inclusion rights the queer community battled to attain. Organizers warn that decades of progress in all human rights are under siege. "Our fundamental freedoms − and our very democracy − are at risk," organizers say on the website promoting the rally and march. "And if we fail to recognize the urgency of this moment, we'll only have ourselves to blame. Resist the marginalization and persecution of people just for being who they are." The front of the Reflecting Pool at the Lincoln Memorial was packed with Pride flags and flags representing trans and bisexual communities. The many signs read 'Proud and Gay,' 'Trans rights are human rights' and 'Gender affirming care saved my life.' The rally and march, which come a day after a parade through city streets, will be followed by the WorldPride DC Street Festival and concert. WorldPride comes to DC: Queer community vows to be 'louder than ever' Kat Robinson, 34, an active service member, attended the rally and march to protest the Trump administration's move to force transgender troops out of the military. In the first days in office, Trump issued executive order barring anyone who is transgender from military service, setting a June 6 deadline for transgender troops to leave voluntarily. While she is not transgender, the 15-year veteran said she knows many transgender troops who faced the decision of whether to leave the military voluntarily or stay and fight. She said it is becoming harder to put on the uniform and "represent something I deeply disagree with. This is not why I enlisted.''I am enraged by what is happening Robinson said. 'The language in the executive order was despicable and it makes me sick to my stomach.' The activities took place Sunday under cloudy skies with scattered showers. Miranda Burmeister, 29, and Danielle Caldwell, 33, drove seven hours from Connecticut to Washington to celebrate Pride and their wedding pair, who run a day care and have three children, said the mood has been celebratory, though they noted that the Trump administration and its anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric and actions have cast a dark cloud over the event. But it was an urge to protest that brought them to the Lincoln Memorial on Sunday.'I wanted to fight back against the administration,' said Caldwell, a social said World Pride has been uplifting and inspiring.'It's nice to be around people who are like us and accepting,' she said. Many in the crowd wore ponchos and were holding umbrellas as they danced to pop songs − including Chappell Roan's 'Pink Pony Club."JC Cummings, an architect born and raised in Washington, has been attending the city's Pride festivals for decades. Cummings, 69, said this year's event is important because it provides hope and optimism in the face of 'attempted oppression.''It's almost as if we're partying while Rome is burning,' he said while holding a sign reading 'Civil rights for everyone!''We're thumbing our nose at (Trump)," he added. Several speakers addressed the crowd, including local organizers based in Washington and those who helped put on WorldPride. At one point, a video message from former Vice President Kamala Harris appeared on the large screens at the base of the Lincoln Memorial, bidding the crowd 'a happy WorldPride.''Pride is a celebration and it is also a statement − a statement about courage, about community and about determination,' Harris said.'In this moment as we gather with friends and allies across the world, let us be clear: No one should be made to fight on their own. We are all going through this together,' she said to an eruption of cheers. President Donald Trump marked his first day in office by signing an executive order to dimantle diversity, equity and inclusion practices. The transgender community has been a primary target of the ensuing directives. They incude moves to end gender-affirming care for minors, revive a ban on transgender people in the military, remove references to the community from the Stonewall National Monument website and direct that federal agencies recognize only two sexes, male and female − affecting the ability of transgender people to identify on items such as passports. The actions have led some corporate sponsors to end support of Pride parades and prompted safety concerns for LGBTQ+ people traveling internationally to the WorldPride festival. Trump's 'bullying': LGBTQ+ advocates decry President Trump's actions during Pride Month "WorldPride is occurring at a crucial time, bringing together voices from around the world to support the LGBTQ+ community's ongoing fight for equality, visibility, and justice," the organization says on its website. "We encourage everyone in our global community to participate in this historic moment. By showing up and supporting Pride events globally, the LGBTQ+ community will be visible, vigilant, and heard."


Boston Globe
5 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Southern Baptists to vote on effort to overturn same-sex marriage
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Related : Advertisement 'There are burgeoning embryonic efforts being discussed at the legal-strategy level on how to begin to challenge Obergefell,' he said. 'How do we take the lessons from Roe that took 50 years? What is the legal strategy to overturn Obergefell at some point in the future?' Advertisement Activists are aware that their mission may take years. But the resolution calling for this concrete action shows 'a deepening of Southern Baptist thinking on this issue' and a recognition of the need for a long-term strategy similar to the one that ended a constitutional right to abortion, said R. Albert Mohler Jr., president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. He said 'there's a great deal of engagement' on this issue between Southern Baptist leaders and lawyers with the Alliance Defending Freedom, the Christian legal advocacy group that worked to overturn Roe. 'As in Roe, it is not just a matter of arguing for or against abortion,' he said. 'It is also the larger pattern in terms of constitutional interpretation.' Supporters of same-sex marriage celebrated outside the US Supreme Court following the ruling on same-sex marriage, on June 26, 2015. DOUG MILLS/NYT The Southern Baptist resolution, titled 'On Restoring Moral Clarity through God's Design for Gender, Marriage, and the Family,' reflects a movement within conservative Christianity to see that laws align with their set of Biblical values and a political commitment to pursue those goals. The resolution calls for overturning not just Obergefell, but also any laws and policies 'that defy God's design for marriage and family,' potentially including the Respect for Marriage Act, a law that former President Joe Biden signed in 2022 mandating federal recognition for same-sex marriages. The resolution also specifically calls for the restriction of commercial surrogacy. Related : Lawmakers have a duty 'to pass laws that reflect the truth of creation,' it says, 'and to oppose any law that denies or undermines what God has made plain through nature and Scripture.' The measure also reflects an alignment with other Republican goals, and calls for laws that would 'strengthen parental rights in education and healthcare, incentivize family formation in life-affirming ways, and ensure safety and fairness in female athletic competition.' Advertisement Couples waited to apply for marriage licenses at Cambridge City Hall on May 17, 2004. RUTH FREMSON/NYT To go into effect, the resolution needs to pass by simple majority vote. Organizers say it is widely expected to pass. Passing the measure could be used as evidence to prove to politicians that culturally unpopular positions have support. Public opinion on same-sex marriage shifted drastically over the past 30 years toward overwhelming support. Last summer during his presidential campaign, Donald Trump had the definition of marriage as between one man and one woman removed from the Republican Party platform. 'It now seems the case in many sectors of American society that same-sex marriage is just as American as baseball and apple pie,' Walker acknowledged. 'I understand the political will is probably minute or minuscule.' Related : Of the nine Supreme Court justices, only Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas have suggested that the court should reconsider Obergefell, which was decided by a 5-4 majority. Chief Justice John Roberts, now a swing vote, issued a strong dissent in the Obergefell ruling. In his concurring opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson, the case that overturned Roe, Thomas directly argued that the rationale the court used to negate a right to abortion should be used to overturn cases that established rights to same-sex marriage, consensual same-sex relations and contraception. Next month Mathew Staver, a Southern Baptist and the chair of the Liberty Counsel, a Christian legal group, plans to ask the Supreme Court to hear a case about Kim Davis, a former county clerk in Kentucky who refused to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples in 2015. That request will directly ask the court to overturn Obergefell, he said. Staver has been trying for two decades to use the courts to stop same-sex marriage, ever since states began to legalize it in 2004. Advertisement Earlier this year his group worked with legislators in Idaho on the language of a resolution that passed the Idaho House of Representatives calling on the Supreme Court to reverse Obergefell. Republican lawmakers, at times drawing on certain Christian principles, introduced similar measures calling for Obergefell's reversal in states like Michigan, Montana and South Dakota, and partially passed them in North Dakota and Idaho. 'That begins to show a sentiment from legislative officials, and it just begins to build a momentum,' Staver said. And while efforts like the SBC measure and the resolutions in the states have been largely independent of each other, he said, 'that momentum results in more coordination' between ideologically aligned groups, which was effective in overturning Roe. The Southern Baptist Convention, a largely conservative network of churches, has taken a rightward turn in recent years, particularly on issues of marriage, family and sex. It has also struggled following revelations of widespread sexual abuse of women and children, and the mishandling of those allegations over decades. The annual meeting is often regarded as a bellwether for broader evangelical sentiment on various political and cultural issues, even though it technically represents the views of only the 10,000 or so members who typically attend and vote, not of all 13 million members. Last year, Southern Baptists voted to oppose the use of in vitro fertilization, passing a resolution that Walker and Mohler proposed as part of a push to advance the 'fetal personhood' movement. The vote greatly worried many other evangelicals who rely on fertility treatments to have children and who believe IVF is life-promoting. Advertisement In 2023, Southern Baptists decided to expel several churches with female pastors, including one of the denomination's largest and most prominent congregations. An attempt to further expand restrictions on women in church leadership gained traction in 2023 but did not pass a second required vote in 2024. That effort is expected to be revived this week. This article originally appeared in
Yahoo
6 hours ago
- Yahoo
Opinion - Trump's war against DEI isn't going so well in Virginia
Apparently when President Trump says 'illegal DEI,' he means lawful and common-sense efforts to integrate public schools. At least, that's the takeaway from the Department of Education's new investigation against Fairfax County Public Schools. Trump officials claim Fairfax County violated federal law when it adopted an admissions policy designed to 'change the demographic make up' of its most competitive high school. This theory, which equates integration with segregation, dates back to Barry Goldwater, who remarked in 1964 that 'the Constitution is color-blind … and so it is just as wrong to compel children to attend certain schools for the sake of so-called integration as for the sake of segregation.' It seems Trump agrees. Unfortunately for him, the Supreme Court does not. Just last year, the court declined to overturn a ruling for Fairfax County. As I explained at the time, that decision made sense. Even as the Supreme Court has shifted hard right, decades of conservative case law — including from Chief Justice John Roberts — condone racial goals such as diversity, equality and inclusion. The new investigation tracks Trump's disregard for courts and his tendency toward bluster over substance. But in important respects, it also exposes that Trump's war on DEI lacks any moral and legal basis. Some context is helpful. For decades, Black advocates sought to desegregate Thomas Jefferson High School, one of the nation's top-ranked public schools. As recently as 2012, the NAACP filed a civil rights complaint alleging that the school's admissions policies discriminated against African American and Hispanic students and students with disabilities. Things shifted in 2020. As racial justice protests erupted across the globe, local leaders grappled with the fact that in a county with roughly 100,000 Black residents, Thomas Jefferson High School admitted so few Black students that the number was too small to report. The state convened a task force to examine the causes of this ongoing exclusion at Thomas Jefferson and other Virginia schools. Following a series of hearings, the board revised the school's admissions process, eliminating a $100 application fee and a standardized testing requirement. Contrary to ongoing claims that the new policy compromised 'merit,' the board raised the minimum GPA for admission from 3.0 to 3.5 and added an honors course requirement. The new policy also implemented a holistic evaluation that included new 'experience factors,' such as whether the applicant qualified for reduced meals or is an English language learner. The updated process also ensured that each middle school receive a number of seats equal to 1.5 percent of its eighth-grade class. The school board resolved that '[t]he admission process must use only race-neutral methods that do not seek to achieve any specific racial or ethnic mix, balance or targets.' This means that admissions officials are not told the race, ethnicity, sex or name of any applicant. In Supreme Court parlance, the entire admissions process was 'colorblind.' The new process produced promising results. In its inaugural year, Thomas Jefferson High School received 1,000 more applicants than the prior cycle. This larger applicant pool also 'included markedly more low-income students, English-language learners, and girls than had prior classes at TJ.' Consistent with the heightened GPA requirement, the admitted class's mean GPA was higher than in the five preceding years. The new process also yielded greater racial diversity. Black students comprised 10 percent of the applicant pool and received nearly 8 percent of offers and Hispanic students comprised 11 percent of the applicant pool and received over 11 percent of offers. The overall percentage of Asian American students decreased from the preceding year, but Asian Americans continued to enjoy the highest percentage yield of all racial groups. And as the Fourth Circuit detailed, Asian American students from historically underrepresented middle schools 'saw a sixfold increase in offers, and the number of low-income Asian American admittees to TJ increased to 51 — from a mere one in 2020.' In short, Thomas Jefferson High School adopted a 'race-neutral' process to pursue a set of goals that included increasing Black and Hispanic representation. This is the precise type of practice the Trump administration denigrates as 'illegal DEI.' Efforts to promote racial diversity do constitute DEI. But they are far from illegal. In fact, Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard — the 2023 decision striking down Harvard University's formal consideration of applicant race — supports most of the DEI policies Trump now targets. Writing for the majority, Chief Justice Roberts deemed Harvard's underlying goals as 'worthy' and 'commendable.' Justice Brett Kavanaugh made the point more directly; writing for himself, Kavanaugh noted that 'racial discrimination still occurs and the effects of past racial discrimination still persist' and that 'universities still can, of course, act to undo the effects of past discrimination in many permissible ways that do not involve classification by race.' The actions of the high school square with Kavanaugh's call for policies that attend to race but do not differentiate between individual students on this basis. This should short-circuit the Department of Education's investigation against Fairfax County. But it is unlikely to stall Trump's desire to outlaw integration. The Pacific Legal Foundation, which initiated the lawsuit against Fairfax County and remains a force on the right, wants to revive Goldwater's hostile approach to integration. Consider the following FAQ on Pacific Legal's website: 'schools may use or not use standardized tests, essays, interviews, or auditions, as long as their reasons for using or not using them are not racial.' By this logic, a high school could lawfully eliminate an admissions fee if motivated by public relations concerns, but it would be unlawful to take that same action if done to decrease racial barriers that exclude low-income Black and Hispanic students. Now consider higher education. Per Pacific Legal, Harvard University could eliminate admissions preferences for the children of alumni and wealthy donors if done to appease alumni pressure. But it would be unlawful for Harvard to take the same action if the goal is increasing the number of Asian American students or mitigate unearned racial preferences that flow to wealthy white applicants. The upshot is that affirmative efforts to reduce racial inequality — everything Trump dubs 'illegal DEI' — remain legal and morally just. So, at least for now, integration does not equate to segregation. Jonathan Feingold is an associate professor at Boston University School of Law. He is an expert in affirmative action, antidiscrimination law, education law, and critical race theory. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.