Discussions over the PKK's decision to disarm continue in Turkey
Also in Turkey
Ocalan welcomes PKK decision to disband, disarm
Analysts, officials weigh in on PKK dissolution, aftermath
PKK declares dissolution, end to armed struggle
Turkey's pro-Kurdish parties call for rights as PKK agrees to disarm
A+ A-
DIYARBAKIR, Turkey - The Kurdistan Workers' Party's (PKK) landmark decision to dissolve itself and lay down arms has been widely welcomed. Discussions over the move continue in Turkey.
PKK held its much-anticipated congress last week, but its results were announced on Monday.
Salim Ensarioglu, a lawmaker for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), told Rudaw on Monday that he expects the role of the parliament to increase after the decision.
"Now everyone needs to speak comfortably, and the parliamentary seat should be used with the right purpose. It shouldn't be that a case is prepared against someone over a statement. We need to listen to each other and tolerate each other. Aside from separatism and violence, there should be respect for every opinion," he said.
The pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) has mediated the peace talks between the PKK and Ankara.
"We are at the beginning of an era where greater steps will be taken to build society. Now weapons and violence are completely ending. We are at the beginning of a new era of an extensive democratic struggle," Ozturk Turkdogan, a senior DEM Party official, told Rudaw on Monday.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Rudaw Net
7 hours ago
- Rudaw Net
KDP accuses ‘some' in Baghdad of eroding federalism, using salaries for leverage
Also in Kurdistan New Crimean-Congo fever case confirmed in Duhok Cabinet formation needed despite 'illegitimate' parliament: Komal leader Canada opens business council to enhance cooperation with Erbil, Baghdad: Ambassador Energy deals with US to boost industrial, economic growth: KRG official A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The Kurdistan Region's most influential political party on Monday accused 'certain authorities in Baghdad' of 'disregarding the constitution' and 'undermining federalism.' The Kurdistan Democratic Party's (KDP) remarks come amid growing tensions with the federal government over its suspension of budget transfers to Erbil. The KDP central committee said in a statement that 'some of the rulers' in post-2003 Iraq 'possess a mentality far removed from federalism and show tendencies toward restoring centralized state control.' The statement also accused these sides of using civil servant salaries and budget allocations to the Kurdistan Region 'as leverage.' The remarks come as tensions between Erbil and Baghdad have intensified following last Wednesday's decision by the Iraqi finance ministry to halt all budget transfers to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), including salaries for over one million public sector employees. In a letter to the KRG, Iraqi Finance Minister Taif Sami claimed that Erbil had exceeded its 2025 budget allocation of 12.67 percent by 13.547 trillion Iraqi dinars (approximately $10.34 billion), arguing that further payments are legally prohibited under Federal Supreme Court rulings. The move drew immediate condemnation from Kurdish political factions who held a meeting on Saturday, chaired by the ruling KDP, and denounced the funding suspension as politically-motivated. Two days earlier, on Thursday, the KDP had issued a strongly worded statement censuring the federal government for 'violating the constitutional rights of the Kurdistan Region.' It warned that 'if the rights and financial entitlements of the people of the Kurdistan Region are not sent before Eid al-Adha [on June 6], we will take a serious stance and announce it.' On Monday, the KDP's central committee endorsed the political bureau's position and praised other Kurdish parties for their unified response. It also welcomed what it described as 'positive indications' from the Federal Supreme Court and elements within the federal government toward resolving the standoff. The Federal Supreme Court announced on Sunday that it had registered a new lawsuit filed by public sector employees in the Kurdistan Region, seeking a legal injunction to guarantee continued salary payments. The court stated that a decision on the injunction request would be made 'as soon as possible.' It is worth noting that in February 2023, the same court issued a ruling explicitly stating that disputes over oil and non-oil revenues between Baghdad and Erbil must not be used as grounds to withhold constitutionally guaranteed monthly salaries. The latest KDP statement notably echoed remarks made by the party's leader Masoud Barzani, who underlined on Sunday that 'post-2003 Iraq was founded on the principles of balance, compromise and partnership within the framework of the Constitution [of Iraq].' The preeminent Kurdish leader asserted that 'the only way to resolve Iraq's problems is by adherence to these principles by all parties.'
Rudaw Net
7 hours ago
- Rudaw Net
Cabinet formation needed despite ‘illegitimate' parliament: Komal leader
Also in Kurdistan New Crimean-Congo fever case confirmed in Duhok Canada opens business council to enhance cooperation with Erbil, Baghdad: Ambassador Energy deals with US to boost industrial, economic growth: KRG official KDP accuses 'some' in Baghdad of eroding federalism, using salaries for leverage A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The leader of the Kurdistan Justice Group (Komal), one of the Kurdistan Region's two main Islamic parties, criticized the current Kurdish parliament as lacking legitimacy due to alleged electoral fraud. Despite this, Ali Bapir argued that convening it to form a new government would still serve the public interest. 'This [parliament] has no legitimacy. We wouldn't even bother trying to dissolve it because we don't consider it legitimate,' Bapir told Rudaw in an interview that was aired on Monday. The Kurdistan Region held delayed parliamentary elections in October 2024, two years after the original date. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) won 39 out of 100 seats, followed by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) with 23. As no party achieved a majority, a governing coalition is required, as has been customary. Amid the impasse, lawmakers in the Kurdish parliament - who are seemingly awaiting the outcome of the government formation talks between the KDP and the PUK - have convened only once in December, without electing a speaker or deputies. The session ended with no significant decisions and was adjourned indefinitely. Despite the political stalemate, Bapir said, 'If [this parliament] convenes and forms a new government, it would be for the benefit of the people.' Importantly, Komal, which won just three seats, rejected the October election results soon after their announcement, alleging that the vote was rigged. 'We should ask why we didn't get better results. In fact, we did—but they didn't give them to us,' Bapir charged, claiming that 'everyone agrees that massive fraud was committed' and that 'the elections were orchestrated in advance.' Komal 'will not be part of a parliament that was pre-designed' and 'will not give legitimacy to an illegitimate situation,' Bapir reiterated. Of note, Komal's MP-elect, Omar Gulpi, who has not yet taken his oath of office, filed a lawsuit with Iraq's Federal Supreme Court in May, challenging the legitimacy of the Kurdish parliament and calling for the election results to be annulled. Bapir commented, 'Perhaps, beyond him [Gulpi], there are many others from across the political spectrum who want this parliament dissolved and a new, clean, and fair election," Bapir commented. In April, Iraq's Council of Ministers set November 11 as the date for the next federal legislative elections. Following the announcement, several Kurdish opposition parties - including Komal, the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), New Generation Movement (NGM), National Stance Movement (Halwest), and the People's Front (Baray Gal) - began talks to form a joint electoral alliance to challenge the Kurdish ruling parties. However, the effort fell apart. Halwest withdrew, citing mistrust and accusing unnamed groups of conducting separate negotiations with Baghdad. NGM, the largest opposition party with 15 seats, insisted on leading the coalition, further stalling progress. 'We tried to form a broad opposition alliance - and I won't go into the details - but we couldn't make it happen,' Bapir said. He blamed NGM and 'other sides' for the failure, adding that the movement had 'imposed a prohibitive condition that no party could accept.' Despite the setbacks, Bapir affirmed to Rudaw that Komal has made a 'decisive decision' to participate in the November legislative elections.
Shafaq News
a day ago
- Shafaq News
Financial muscle: How money shapes Iraq's upcoming elections
Shafaq News/ With Iraq's parliamentary elections set for November 11, 2025, political parties are intensifying their campaigns, directing substantial funds toward candidate recruitment and voter outreach in what is shaping up to be a highly competitive race. According to political figures involved in the process, billions of dinars are being funneled toward candidates with strong tribal support or established party affiliations. The scale of spending, already evident across several provinces, is drawing growing attention from civil society groups and election observers. Analysts caution that the increasing role of financial influence may distort the electoral landscape, deepening the divide between dominant parties—whether Shiite, Sunni, or Kurdish—and independent or smaller contenders who lack comparable resources. Old Guard Rule Iraq's 329-seat Council of Representatives remains dominated by long-standing political blocs, leaving little room for new actors to reshape the balance of power in the next parliamentary elections. Allegations of vote-buying and financial misconduct continue to shadow Iraq's electoral process. During the 2018 elections, ballot cards in southern provinces were reportedly sold for between 50,000 and 150,000 Iraqi dinars ($35–$105). The Al-Rafidain Center for Dialogue estimated that year's undeclared campaign spending at over $250 million. In 2021, campaign financing became more difficult to trace but appeared even more extensive. Iraq's Integrity Commission opened 15 investigations related to the misuse of public resources, focusing on cases where governors and ministers distributed state-funded food baskets and services during the campaign period. Former MP Razzaq al-Haidari pointed to what he described as entrenched abuse of state power for electoral advantage. 'There are reports of offers reaching billions of dinars for individuals with tribal and political weight,' he stated in remarks to Shafaq News. 'This poses a threat to the political process and risks further alienating the public.' Zuhair al-Jalabi, a member of the State of Law Coalition, highlighted the influence of ruling blocs that control public funds and institutions. 'The political money in the hands of ruling parties is unmatched, giving them a growing base of dependents,' he observed. Al-Jalabi also referred to the manipulation of special voting groups—particularly state employees and members of the security forces—through pressure and inducements. 'These parties exploit state employees and those eligible for special voting through both intimidation and incentives, securing their loyalty.' Costly Sunni Contest Despite reforms passed in 2020 aimed at reshaping Iraq's electoral landscape—such as district-based voting and caps on campaign spending—implementation has remained inconsistent. A 2023 audit by Iraq's Federal Board of Supreme Audit revealed that fewer than 15% of candidates submitted complete campaign finance disclosures. No violations resulted in legal action, reflecting the broader challenge of enforcing electoral standards. In this context of limited oversight, Sunni-majority provinces are emerging as focal points for a high-stakes contest. Several prominent Sunni blocs are gearing up for what tribal leader Muzahim al-Huwait described as a fiercely competitive campaign season, with estimated spending surpassing $1 billion across western Iraq. "Over $1 billion is expected to be spent in the western provinces," he remarked in a statement to Shafaq News, portraying the election as a pivotal moment for the political future of the region. Many Sunni bloc leaders also entered the race with considerable institutional backing. A number currently occupy influential roles in ministries, security bodies, and local administrations. These positions, al-Huwait noted, will serve as platforms through which financial and administrative resources can be mobilized throughout the campaign. 'These resources will be deployed in the political struggle,' he explained, underscoring the depth of their reach. Expectations for high voter turnout reflect a widespread sense of dissatisfaction with the current legislature. Al-Huwait described the outgoing parliament as the weakest since 2003 and predicted a sweeping overhaul in representation. 'There will be a strong push for change, and most of the current faces will be swept out,' he observed. While Sunni alliances remain dominant in these areas, shifting loyalties are beginning to reshape local dynamics. Al-Huwait noted that several Shiite parties have gained traction in Sunni-majority provinces, particularly among communities that credit them with helping liberate areas from extremist groups. 'Some Sunni candidates in Nineveh, al-Anbar, and elsewhere will join Shiite parties,' he added, pointing to evolving alliances and a more fluid political map. Media Manipulation Beyond direct cash transactions, political money is increasingly flowing through digital operations and media influence, further deepening concerns over the integrity of Iraq's electoral process ahead of the 2025 parliamentary elections. A 2023 report by the Iraqi Network for Social Media (INSM) documented more than 670 coordinated Facebook and Twitter accounts actively promoting political candidates and targeting their rivals. Many of these accounts were run by media outlets affiliated with dominant political parties. In the final stretch before the last parliamentary elections, these networks escalated their efforts—spreading disinformation, discrediting independent candidates, and shaping public perception through tightly coordinated messaging, the report found. The scale and precision of these campaigns have intensified concerns among local observers, who point to an increasingly blurred line between media and political power. In Babil province, media researcher al-Haidari highlighted coverage that consistently favors ruling coalitions. 'Some media outlets and journalists are cheerleading for the ruling parties,' he remarked to Shafaq News. He also questioned the broader impact of Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani's record, noting that while some achievements may be visible in Baghdad, they have yet to reach other provinces. Despite leading a broad coalition, al-Sudani is widely seen as unlikely to garner enough support to challenge the Coordination Framework, former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, or Badr Organization Secretary-General Hadi al-Amiri. Public attitudes have shifted in response. A 2022 survey by the Al-Bayan Center for Planning and Studies found that 71% of Iraqis believe political money determines election outcomes, while 64% no longer view voting as an effective path to change. Trust in political parties has fallen to just 27%, far below the confidence placed in the religious establishment (54%) and the military (41%). This disillusionment has been reflected at the polls. In 2021, voter turnout dropped to 41% of Iraq's 25 million registered voters—the lowest rate since the 2003 invasion. In Sadr City, a key voting bloc in Baghdad, participation fell below 30%, according to the Independent High Electoral Commission.
