The Boulder Attack Didn't Come Out of Nowhere
Terrorism doesn't occur in a vacuum. It depends on the oxygen of rhetoric for sustenance and encouragement. Nearly two years after Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, the cumulative effect of calls to 'Globalize the intifada' and 'End Zionists' perhaps inevitably led to the horrific attack yesterday in Boulder, Colorado, where a man yelled 'Free Palestine' as he threw an incendiary device at a Jewish gathering in support of the hostages.
Words matter. The protester at Columbia University in 2024 holding a sign labeling Jewish demonstrators who were waving Israeli flags as Al-Qasam's next targets was dismissed as being hyperbolic. So were the By Any Means Necessary banners carried at demonstrations and the red inverted triangles, similar to those Hamas uses to mark Israeli targets, spray-painted on university buildings, a national monument, and even the apartment building of a museum director. When demonstrators wave the flags of terrorist organizations, wear headbands celebrating those same groups, and publicly commemorate the martyrdom of terrorist leaders such as Hamas's Yahya Sinwar and Hezbollah's Hassan Nasrallah, they're not throwing the bomb, but their message can light the fuse.
[Iddo Gefen: What 'intifada revolution' looks like]
In the past six weeks, that fuse has produced a succession of terrorist acts that have threatened the safety and security of America's Jewish community. That two of the incidents also occurred on Jewish holidays—the arson attack on Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro's official residence on the first night of Passover and yesterday's incident in Boulder on the eve of Shavuot—show that Jews in America are not only in some danger, but even more likely to be targeted on specific dates marking religious ritual and observance.
And they won't be just singled out, but subjected to especially heinous acts of violence. The attacker in Boulder used a homemade flamethrower and Molotov cocktails, resulting in eight people being hospitalized with burns and other injuries. Tragically, among the eight victims, who ranged in age from 52 to 88, the eldest was reportedly a Holocaust survivor.
Yet another example of an especially egregious act of violence was the shooting deaths last month of Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim on the street outside a Jewish museum in Washington, D.C. One bullet from a powerful 9-mm handgun is often sufficient to kill. But police found 21 shell casings scattered around the two bodies. The murderer allegedly stalked Milgrim as she attempted to crawl away, shooting her repeatedly. This was an execution.
For years, American Jews watched with horror the attacks on their European co-religionists. A young man kidnapped and tortured to death, an elderly lady beaten and thrown out the window of her home, and a teacher and three children murdered outside a Jewish day school are among a long list of violent anti-Semitic incidents in France alone—the country with the world's third-largest population of Jews after Israel and the United States.
'What history had taught him was Amazement,' Lion Feuchtwanger writes of the conclusion reached by one of the characters in his deeply prescient 1933 novel about Nazi Germany, The Oppermanns. 'A tremendous amazement that each time those in jeopardy had been so slow in thinking about their safety.' Despite the sharp increase in the number of anti-Semitic incidents in the U.S. recorded over the past decade by the Anti-Defamation League, American Jews also once believed that the violence against Jews in France, Britain, Germany, and other European countries couldn't happen here. Many told themselves that this threat was unique to European Jewry, given the internal frictions within their own countries, which had absorbed large immigrant populations from former colonial possessions. But yesterday's attack, coming on the heels of the firebombing of Shapiro's residence and the D.C. murders, has proved otherwise. As Ian Fleming, the former spy and novelist who created James Bond, reportedly observed, 'Once is happenstance. Twice is coincidence. Three times is enemy action.'
Arguably the system was already blinking red after the 2018 mass shooting at Pittsburgh's Tree of Life synagogue, where a gunman killed 11 people, and the near tragedy averted four years later, when an armed man took hostage the rabbi and worshippers at a Colleyville, Texas, synagogue. The October 7 attacks heightened that awareness and led Jews to emulate the security measures standard at synagogues, day schools, community centers, and senior residences in Europe. Private companies were hired to provide guards at the entrances to synagogues and schools. Volunteers were solicited, trained, and deployed by community-based security organizations. The positioning of at least one local police car and patrol officer in front of synagogues became commonplace.
But in today's threat environment, the question for Jews everywhere is inevitably: How much security is enough?
Shapiro's residence was not unprotected. Additional armed guards were deployed at the entrance to the Jewish museum for the event that Lischinsky and Milgrim attended. Jewish institutions, organizations, and agencies, moreover, are already burdened with rising security costs. A study of expenditures at Jewish day schools in four states found that the average cost for security had nearly doubled in 2024–25—to $339,000—compared with 2022–23. After the past six weeks, further increases can be expected. The same is true on university campuses across America, where Jewish- or Israeli-studies departments and centers, as well as similarly oriented student organizations and Jewish ministries, are themselves responsible for paying for the security now standard for all of their events.
And there will be challenges in what can be done to prevent such tragedies in the future. For instance, although security was increased at the entrance to and inside the D.C. Jewish museum, Lischinsky and Milgrim were gunned down outside, on a street corner. Will security measures now require that a secure perimeter be established, or even concentric circles of security in front of every venue and surrounding any event? Will a phalanx of local police or community volunteers be required to box in and protect participants at any and every Jewish event? After yesterday's attack in Boulder, the answer, most likely, is yes.
[From the April 2024 issue: The golden age of American Jews is ending]
Security provisions are often likened to the proverbial length of a ball of string. In the case of American Jewry, however long that once was, it now needs to be lengthened. Whatever upgrades and increases have been implemented in the past will necessitate reassessment, further modification, and enhancements. More resources will need to be dedicated to ensure the protection of Jewish places of worship, clerics, and congregations. The same is true for other Jewish and Israel-related activities at schools, community centers, offices, and senior homes. The same goes for marches, parades, demonstrations, vigils, and other inherently public events. Strengthened physical, personal, and digital security measures will likely follow—especially during religious holidays and festivals. Even greater cooperation, coordination, and information sharing between law enforcement and Jewish institutions than already exists will be needed.
Ultimately, however, physical security alone will not protect American Jewry. The prejudice and calumny directed against that community that have now become commonplace and have often been treated with indifference must change as well. And with this must come the recognition that violence threatens not just American Jews but all Americans. The Council on American-Islamic Relations cites record numbers of anti-Muslim and anti-Arab incidents; CatholicVote finds hundreds of instances of vandalism as well as more serious attacks on Catholic churches in the U.S. since 2020; and the Hindu American Foundation had to issue a 'Temple Safety & Security Guide' to its worshippers.
Violence against all faiths is rising. To stop it, our society must take more seriously not just bomb throwing, but the messages that light the fuse.
Article originally published at The Atlantic
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The Hill
22 minutes ago
- The Hill
Israel signed a record $14 billion in defense deals last year despite Gaza war criticism
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Fox News
24 minutes ago
- Fox News
There's a way to aid Gaza. I know, my foundation just helped deliver 7 million meals... without incident
It's time to be honest about humanitarian assistance in Gaza. The incumbent system is morally bankrupt. Grift is not a bug—it is a feature. The decades-long cycle of empty statements, inflated budgets, and institutionalized failure has created a self-sustaining machine that feeds off misery, undermines peace, and instinctively demonizes America and Israel. The current system fuels fate. Here's an example. Just days ago, the world should have celebrated the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's week of success. Over 7 million meals were delivered free to Gazans -- no trucks seized, no aid diverted, no violence at distribution sites. The system worked despite Gaza's volatility. Gazans spontaneously thanked America and President Donald Trump. Instead of celebrating GHF, the international press swallowed a Hamas disinformation campaign wholesale. Hamas falsely claimed 31 Gazans died at our distribution site. Global media printed headlines treating Hamas' claims as fact. 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What the media should be doing is joining us in telling the truth about the systemic failure for years in Gaza and the U.N. should be working with us to fix the system. The current systems, built to serve the Palestinian people, have not just been ineffective—they have been actively complicit in perpetuating suffering. From UNRWA to the Human Rights Council, bigotry has been wrapped in bureaucracy, funded by American and European tax dollars, and aimed squarely at helping terrorists wage a never-ending war with Israel. Activists disguised as humanitarians clutch their pearls and rush out press releases in support of these failed systems, exactly as terrorists hijack aid trucks or beat dissenting Palestinians in the street trying to get to humanitarian aid. The silence is deafening, but actually, it's worse. They keep spreading with no scrutiny the profane lies of Hamas. The fact is that there were Palestinians harmed last week, but not by GHF. They were harmed by Hamas when they tried to break into warehouses where Hamas had been hoarding piles and piles of humanitarian aid meant for Gazans. We're told by beneficiaries that Hamas was selling aid or using it for coercive purposes. One beneficiary asked our aid workers five times if our aid was truly free, and we observed the decline in the price of sugar in the rudimentary markets of Gaza. Yet, this behavior is excused, explained away, or flat-out ignored while organizations like the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation are attacked constantly for trying to feed Gazans with no strings attached. What GHF is guilty of is exposing the whole charade for what it is. Unfortunately, instead of just focusing on feeding Gazans, GHF humanitarians must fight a profane information war naively parroted by those who should know better. We will press on. Our vision is that failure will no longer be rewarded. Instead, we demand results with Silicon Valley precision. The good-hearted taxpayers of rich countries should no longer be content to line the pockets of institutional elites with cushy jobs propping up failing systems. It's time to do it differently. We understand this is a threat to the system. Because if even a sliver of hope is delivered through a model based on transparency, accountability, and realism, the entire cottage industry of perpetual process collapses. The lavish conferences, the donor summits, the panel discussions where nothing gets done—gone. But, no longer can we let the weaponization of humanitarian aid, or its mismanagement, prolong this and other conflicts. There can be no peace process without peace, and there is no humanitarian aid without human dignity. There's also no time for nostalgia over broken systems. It is time to stop rewarding failure and start building the future. 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The Intercept
25 minutes ago
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Newly unsealed records provide new details about the Trump administration's failed effort this spring to obtain a search warrant for an Instagram account run by student protesters at Columbia University. The FBI and federal prosecutors sought a sweeping warrant, the records show, that would have identified the people who ran the account along with every user who had interacted with it since January 2024. Between March 15 and April 14, the FBI and the Department of Justice filed multiple search warrant applications and appeared numerous times before two different judges in Manhattan federal court as part of an investigation into Columbia University Apartheid Divest, or CUAD, a student group. A magistrate judge denied the application three times in March, a decision which a district court judge later affirmed in April. 'It is unusual for a magistrate judge to reject a search warrant application from the government.' 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The Times previously reported that the Department of Justice sought the search warrant after a top official, Emil Bove, ordered the department's civil rights division to find a list of CUAD's members. For a month, the government argued to judges that a March 14 post on Instagram from @cuapartheiddivest — the group was banned from Instagram in late March for violating community standards — was a 'true threat' against the university's then-interim president Katrina Armstrong in violation of federal law. The post referred to the university's use of the New York Police Department to break up campus demonstrations and the targeting of student activists by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Screenshot from the government's application for a search warrant targeting the Instagram account of Columbia University Apartheid Divest. Source: Court filing 'The people will not stand for Columbia University's shameless complicity in genocide!' reads the post, in part, next to a photo of graffiti spray-painted onto a Manhattan mansion used as the president's housing at Columbia. 'The University's repression has only bred more resistance and Columbia has lit a flame it can't control. Katrina Armstrong you will not be allowed peace as you sic NYPD officers and ICE agents on your own students for opposing the genocide of the Palestinian people.' 'FREE THEM ALL' reads the graffiti in the photo, alongside an inverted triangle, a much-disputed symbol that pro-Palestine protesters in the U.S. and around the world have used. Hamas, the militant group that ruled the occupied Gaza Strip, has also used the inverted triangle to identify bombing targets, the FBI agent — whose name was redacted — wrote in an affidavit accompanying the search warrant application. The FBI agent wrote that the photograph of the graffiti and message in the Instagram post were sufficient probable cause of an 'interstate communication of a threat to injure, in violation of' the law. Read our complete coverage The argument, made in multiple hearings over the following weeks, failed to convince two judges. Reviewing the initial application, Chief Magistrate Judge Sarah Netburn determined it was a 'close call' and asked for more information about the 'symbolism and context of the posting,' according to a letter from the government. On March 16, Netburn denied the search warrant application, finding the post 'seemed like protected speech' under the First Amendment, the government letter said. The Justice Department quickly appealed the rare denial of a search warrant application. 'Because Judge Netburn's ruling significantly impedes an ongoing investigation into credible threats of violence against an individual, prompt reversal is necessary,' wrote Alec C. Ward, a trial attorney in the Justice Department's civil rights division, in a March 20 letter to a district court judge. Following hearings on March 24 and March 25, which largely concerned the Justice Department's procedural missteps, District Court Judge John Koeltl referred the search application back to Netburn. During a March 28 hearing, Netburn denied the request for a search warrant application once again. Netburn criticized the government for failing to 'clearly represent what the case law is' around the First Amendment and threats. 'Words that may reflect heated rhetoric, in the context in which they are made would not reasonably engender fear, do not constitute a true threat,' Netburn said, ruling that the government hadn't met its burden to establish that the triangle symbol 'in the context here and in the context of the statement that the president of Columbia University will not have peace, is a true threat, as the law identifies.' The government also hadn't indicated whether Armstrong, the interim Columbia president, herself actually interpreted the statements as threatening, which binding precedent from the U.S. Supreme Court requires. 'We have not had an opportunity to put that question directly to Ms. Armstrong at this point,' Ward told Netburn. The FBI had flagged the post to Armstrong's office, Ward said at the hearing, 'conveying its belief that the threat should be taken seriously from a security standpoint.' Ward compared the post to burning a cross outside a residence, which is not protected speech under the First Amendment, saying the two were not 'exactly equivalent' but still comparable as 'symbolic threats.'