
'Anti-British' rappers Kneecap will headline London festival next week - despite flood of gig cancellations and 'terror probe'
Irish rap trio Kneecap's headline set at London 's Wide Awake festival is to go ahead as planned after a number of the band's concerts were cancelled by organisers.
The group has seen gigs including a performance at the Eden Project in Cornwall on July 4 cancelled after historic concert footage appeared to show a member of the group shouting 'up Hamas, up Hezbollah', and another video allegedly showing one calling for Conservative MPs to be killed.
In a statement, confirming their performance in Brixton 's Brockwell Park would go ahead as planned, Wide Awake said: 'After positive discussions with key stakeholders, Wide Awake festival can confirm that, as planned, Kneecap will be performing at this year's festival on Friday, May 23 at Brockwell Park.
'Wide Awake Festival has a proud history of supporting the alternative music scene and we look forward to staging another unforgettable event showcasing the very best emerging and established talent.'
Made up of Liam Og O Hannaidh, Naoise O Caireallain and JJ O Dochartaigh, the group has faced an investigation by counter-terrorism police after the videos, filmed in 2023 and 2024, became public.
The Wide Awake performance will be the band's first UK gig since the investigation was launched.
Kneecap shows at Plymouth Pavilions and a number of German events, including Hurricane and Southside festivals, have also been cancelled.
In a post on X following the announcement, the group said: 'Well well London, we'll be seeing you for a headline show in Brockwell Park next Friday.
'Some tickets remain - this one is going to be very special.'
Kneecap have apologised to the families of murdered MPs, but claimed footage of the incident had been 'exploited and weaponised', while they also said they have 'never supported' Hamas or Hezbollah, which are both banned organisations in the UK.
Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch has called for Kneecap to be banned while other politicians have pushed for the group to be dropped from the Glastonbury Festival line-up.
Last week, Self Esteem, real name Rebecca Lucy Taylor, told Times Radio she would be 'comfortable' sharing a stage with the trio at Glastonbury and added she felt it would be 'a problem (for) culture, art, freedom of speech' if they did not perform.
Artists including CMAT, Massive Attack, The Pogues, Brian Eno, Pulp, Paul Weller, former BBC Radio 1 DJ Annie Mac and Primal Scream have defended the band following the furore.
They signed a statement saying there is a 'clear, concerted attempt to censor and ultimately deplatform' Kneecap while claiming that politicians are 'strategically concocting moral outrage over the stage utterings of a young punk band' while ignoring a 'genocide' in Gaza.
Formed in 2017, the group are known for their provocative lyrics and merchandise as well as their championing of the Irish language, their best known tracks include Get Your Brits Out, Better Way To Live and 3Cag.
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Reuters
10 minutes ago
- Reuters
Trump's energy dominance agenda could be ravaged by Section 899
LONDON, June 12 - A proposed U.S. tax targeting foreign investors could hurt European energy giants that operate in America's booming oil and gas sector, undermining what President Donald Trump describes as his energy dominance agenda. Trump's sweeping tax and spending bill under review by the Senate includes an additional tax of up to 20% on foreign investors' income, such as dividends and royalties. The tax, known as Section 899, was devised as a pushback against countries that impose what the bill describes as "unfair foreign taxes" on U.S. companies, such as digital services taxes. Section 899 is believed to be targeting companies headquartered in the European Union and Britain, which both have tax systems considered discriminatory by the Trump administration. The provision is a significant threat to London-listed Shell (SHEL.L), opens new tab and BP (BP.L), opens new tab as well as France's TotalEnergies ( opens new tab and Spain's Repsol ( opens new tab, which all have sprawling operations in the United States. Trump, who often used the slogan "drill, baby, drill" in his election campaign, has portrayed himself as pro-fossil fuel, vowing on his first day in office to maximise oil and gas production. But if approved, Section 899 could have the opposite effect. BP last year invested more than $6 billion, about 40% of its capital expenditure, in the United States, where its interests include onshore and offshore oil and gas operations, two refineries, thousands of retail fuel stations and a power trading business. The country is also home to more than a third of BP's global workforce of about 90,000 and accounted for roughly 30% of its 2024 revenue of $189 billion and more than a quarter of its $21 billion net profit. Shell, the biggest European oil major, is also a huge investor in the United States, which accounted for 23% of its 2024 revenue of $284 billion. It invests about 30% of its capital expenditure in the country, where it has oil and gas production facilities, a petrochemicals plant, a vast retail network, liquefied natural gas (LNG) purchasing agreements and major trading operations. The United States became increasingly important to Big Oil companies in recent decades thanks to its stable fiscal and regulatory environment while other regions presented a variety of challenges. Take Russia, for example. Its vast oil and gas resources started attracting investments from many companies in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union, but the country is now uninvestible owing to western sanctions that followed Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Similarly, western companies have limited opportunities to invest in the Middle East, where national oil companies dominate. Europe, meanwhile, has limited natural resources and strict environmental regulation. The multinational nature of oil and gas companies means they have plenty of experience dealing with tax uncertainty, but shifting tax policies tend to delay investments. Company boards require long-term confidence to proceed with large, multi-decade capital projects such as oil and gas fields or LNG plants. The industry's confidence in the United States was already shaken under Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, who in 2020 revoked a construction permit for the Keystone XL pipeline. The Biden administration also paused approvals for new LNG projects in 2024 because of climate concerns. Trump lifted the pause when he entered the White House. According to Section 899, multinational companies could face a new tax on dividends sent overseas and inter-company loans, potentially reducing profit. The Gulf of Mexico accounted for about 10% of Shell's 2024 free cash flow of $40 billion, it said in a presentation. That means that Section 899 could shave $800 million from its free cash flow per year from Gulf of Mexico operations alone. BP made about $1.5 billion in free cash flow in the United States last year, Reuters calculations show. A 20% dividend tax could translate into a $300 million loss in free cash flow. Faced with the worsening fiscal terms, companies could opt to direct funds away from the United States. Though options for deploying capital elsewhere on a similar scale are limited, companies could choose to spread their investments more widely. Such a scenario could be a boon for countries such as Canada, Brazil, Mozambique and Namibia, which have large untapped natural resources. Another option would be for companies to transfer their headquarters and listings to the United States - a costly and politically complicated option. 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The Independent
36 minutes ago
- The Independent
Riot police deployed in Northern Ireland as violence continues
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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Thursday briefing: What sparked days of racially charged violence in Northern Ireland
Good morning. Over the past three nights, Ballymena, Northern Ireland, has been rocked by riots. At least 17 police officers have been injured, while homes, businesses and vehicles have also been damaged. The unrest erupted after a vigil on Monday for a teenage girl allegedly sexually assaulted by two 14-year-old boys. The boys had appeared in court earlier that day and were charged with attempted rape, where a Romanian interpreter read them the charges. Police said the unrest escalated into racially motivated violence, with mobs targeting foreign residents in the County Antrim town. They broke windows and tried to set fire to curtains, leaving families terrified in their homes. On Wednesday, a fire broke out at a leisure centre during a third night of disorder. Smaller protests took place on Tuesday night in Lisburn, Coleraine, Newtownabbey, Carrickfergus and Belfast. In one video shared online, a woman tells the rioters: 'Be careful, lads.' A man then informs her there were people living in one of the houses being attacked. She replied: 'Aye, but are they local? If they're local, they need out. If they're not local, let them fucking stay there.' Liam Kelly, the chair of the Police Federation for Northern Ireland, which represents officers, said police prevented 'a pogrom with consequences too painful to contemplate'. For today's newsletter, I spoke to Rory Carroll, the Guardian's Ireland correspondent who was on the ground in Ballymena, about what we know so far about the violence, long simmering tensions around immigration and what the area is bracing for next. That's after the headlines. UK politics | Rachel Reeves has pledged to ensure 'working people are better off' and invest billions into energy, housing, transport and infrastructure after the government's spending review announcement. US news | Los Angeles police made more than 300 arrests as protesters defied an overnight curfew imposed after Donald Trump's crackdown against demonstrations. Israel-Gaza war | Israeli forces killed at least 60 Palestinians in Gaza on Wednesday, most of them as they were seeking food from a US-Israeli distribution scheme, according to local health authorities. Austria | A 21-year-old former student who shot dead 10 people including pupils and a teacher at his former school in Austria before killing himself had planned to detonate a homemade explosive there, police have said. Music | Brian Wilson, the Beach Boys musician, songwriter and producer who created some of pop's most beautiful and groundbreaking songs, has died aged 82. Before the Good Friday agreement in 1998, there was very little immigration to Northern Ireland, Rory Carroll tells me. The Troubles and the wider history of the area meant it wasn't really a destination for migrants, but after the peace process, immigration crept upwards – slowly at first and from a very low base. About 293,000 long-term international migrants are estimated to have arrived in Northern Ireland between the years 2001 and 2023, according to Northern Ireland assembly research published this year. The latest census in 2021 shows that about 3.4% of Northern Ireland's population are from a minority ethnic background – compared with 18.3% in England and Wales, and 12.9% in Scotland – making it the least diverse region in the UK. 'People here feel it happened very quickly,' Rory says. 'Some areas have seen a significant number of arrivals, including parts of Belfast, and also here in Ballymena, which is largely a working-class, loyalist area. There are a cluster of streets where a lot of migrants have ended up, particularly from eastern Europe. There has been resentment.' Rory spent much of yesterday speaking to residents, who told him they were 'overwhelmed', or 'being overrun'. While there is some acknowledgment that 'many of the migrants bring skills and do good things in terms of opening businesses, and might be their friends, they say others are causing lots of problems, and that they feel that politicians, public representatives, and the police are not heeding their complaints'. Rory says that the grievances are twofold: one, that some migrants are 'freeloading' off taxpayer-funded services, and two, that they're involved in crime. The perception is that these problems are being ignored by the authorities. The similarities to last year's anti-immigrant riots The clashes in Ballymena feel similar to last summer's anti-immigrant riots that spread across England and parts of Northern Ireland. Rory covered the rioting in Belfast last summer, in the loyalist area of Sandy Row. Foreign-owned businesses there were targeted for attacks, looting and intimidation. 'It was a similar story that you hear in Ballymena,' he says. 'Local, long-term residents not exclusively but largely, white, loyalist, Protestant working class feel that they had an influx of foreigners, many of them non-white, and that no one consulted them about it and that the identity of their local area has been changed.' There was a crucial difference this time, Rory adds, as the latest riots in Ballymena were in response to a specific local alleged crime: two 14-year-old boys, charged with attempted rape. 'People are extrapolating from that and saying it's just the tip of the iceberg,' he says. In Ballymena, many talked about their communities being left behind, similar to the rhetoric we hear around England's 'red wall' seats – and while they've had industrial decline and some economic hardship, 'the statistics tell a more complex story' when it comes to Northern Ireland, Rory says. 'Northern Ireland gets a lot of subsidies from the rest of the UK and has lower housing costs and lower cost of living. The sense of alienation and grievance and the perception of being forgotten and left behind is very real, but in terms of poverty and extreme poverty, those rates are actually worse in northern England than the average similar equivalent rates here in Northern Ireland.' What are people saying on the ground? The situation in Ballymena is grim. Immigrant families who live in the cluster of streets that were attacked are 'extremely fearful', Rory says, while others have left. 'There are houses that are boarded up, windows have been smashed in, and several have been burned. I spoke to a Bulgarian-Polish family and they're in the midst of packing up, about to leave because they feel unsafe. Some want to return to Bulgaria after 15 years here,' he said. Other immigrant families are trying a different tactic. 'One family are putting up these printed stickers with notices that say 'Filipinos live here' along with the British flag,' Rory adds. 'They're trying to specify their identity, because they feel Romanians and other nationalities are the focus of anger and protests.' Some of the white local residents he spoke to are, to Rory's surprise, giving support to the riots. 'They all say it's a shame that it's come to this, violence isn't good, but that there's no other way for outsiders, the government authorities, the likes of ourselves, the Guardian, to pay attention to them. They feel that they've been ignored for so many years and so they feel that the riot was unfortunate, but necessary,' he said. Rory quotes 32-year-old Danielle O'Neill, 32, who told him: 'The riots have a valid point; we are being overpopulated … It sounds like I'm racist but I'm not. It's like an invasion. I don't feel safe walking the streets any more. Just yesterday one of them was following me and eyeing me up.' She went on to tell Rory: 'If they can terrorise our kids, we can terrorise the town.' Who is driving the backlash? The anger isn't just bubbling among one community. 'In this case, this is bringing Catholics and Protestants together in combined rioting against the foreigners,' Rory adds. He had people, who are Protestant loyalists, out at the riots last night tell him that they saw 'lots of Catholics from the other part of town' who were there with them. Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion 'They welcomed them. They say it's brilliant that now they have Catholics and Protestants united in a common front against Johnny Foreigner. And that fits with last August, at Belfast city hall, at an anti-immigrant march, where you had loyalists with British flags marching alongside Dublin anti-migrant activists who had the Irish tricolour. They were marching side by side. 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