Taiwan Aims to Triple US Share of LNG Imports to Avoid Tariffs
Taiwan is planning a surge in US purchases over the next decade that would triple the share of American liquefied natural gas in the island's mix.
State-operated entities could buy goods worth NT$200 billion ($6 billion) from the US over the next 10 years, Minister of Economic Affairs Kuo Jyh-Huei said Thursday, according to a report from Taipei-based Economic Daily News. The purchases would include boosting the share of US LNG in Taiwan's total imports to 30% from current levels around 10%, he said.
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In Gaza, a U.S.-backed outfit that Israel has authorised to distribute food in the Palestinian enclave, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), has bypassed the U.N.-led aid system and been accused by some critics of weaponising aid in service of Israel's war aims. Asked for comment, GHF said it had found a "better model" to ensure food was delivered in Gaza. "Bottom line, our aid is getting in and feeding people while aid from other groups is getting looted and not being delivered," it said in an email. Fogbow says it has no connection to GHF. But its operation in South Sudan is raising some of the same questions because it is working directly on behalf of a party to an active conflict. The campaign has been complicated by its association with the government: the aid comes in sacks marked "South Sudan Humanitarian Relief" and emblazoned with the national flag. 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HUMANITARIAN PRINCIPLES Some veteran humanitarians have deep misgivings about Fogbow's model. Martin Griffiths, who served as the top humanitarian official at the United Nations from 2021 to 2024, urged against trying to reinvent the wheel. "The humanitarian community is large and amorphous. It is also careful. And finally it is experienced. This is a well to draw on and I wish this was done by Fogbow," Griffiths told Reuters. Michael VanRooyen, the director of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, which researches humanitarian issues, said Fogbow and GHF were undermining an evidence and needs-based approach to aid. "These organisations are not humanitarian. They are agents of a government, intended to fulfill political and in some cases military purposes," he said. Fogbow officials say they are a logistics provider rather than a humanitarian organisation but try to align their projects with humanitarian principles. Chris Hyslop, Fogbow's humanitarian lead and a veteran of the U.N. system, said he had near-daily contacts with WFP to discuss drop locations and ask for input. He acknowledged complications from working directly with the government but said such concerns had to be weighed against the benefits of national authorities taking responsibility for their own people. The WFP spokesperson said that while the agency receives a daily update from Fogbow on drop locations to deconflict airspace, it has no involvement in the operation. South Sudan's government said it asked Fogbow, rather than WFP, to do the drops in order to expedite the rollout and show it was taking responsibility for its citizens. "Here is a government taking up responsibility as a core mandate of that government," said Chol Ajongo, the minister of presidential affairs. The government declined to say how much it was spending to distribute the 600 tonnes of food. Fifty-seven percent of South Sudan's more than 13 million people suffer acute food insecurity, according to the U.N., but the country has only received pledges covering 20% of its $1.69 billion in estimated humanitarian needs for 2025. 'WE'RE GONNA TRY SOMETHING DIFFERENT' Fogbow's leaders express respect for the U.N. and traditional non-governmental organisations and say they would be happy to work as contractors within the existing system. But they also think they can do better. Fogbow CEO and co-owner Brook Jerue said the company's previous work had shown the advantages of its military background and willingness to innovate. In Gaza, Fogbow advocated for sending food on barges across the Mediterranean from Cyprus to avoid bottlenecks at land crossings. Many humanitarians opposed the idea, arguing it would ease political pressure on Israel to open land routes. "The humanitarian community was super upset with us because they were all pushing for land crossings, and we were just like, 'hey, we're gonna try something different'," said Jerue, a former U.S. Marine Corps pilot. Fogbow dropped its barges plan when then-U.S. President Joe Biden decided in March 2024 to deliver aid through a U.S. military-built floating pier. Fogbow went on to deliver 1,100 tonnes of flour through the U.S. pier and an Israeli port with funding from Qatar, Jerue said. Later last year, it used profits from the Gaza operation to finance airdrops into Sudan's remote South Kordofan state before USAID offered to provide funding, Jerue said. The State Department declined to comment on that operation. A spokesperson said the U.S. was not involved in the aidrops in South Sudan but voiced support for "burden-sharing among capable nations". WAR AND SUSPICION Fogbow's model is facing its sternest test in Upper Nile's Ulang and Nasir Counties, which the U.N. on Thursday said are at risk of famine in the coming months after fighting this year forced more than 100,000 people to flee their homes. Each morning and afternoon, a cargo plane carrying 16 tonnes of food leaves the capital Juba for one of two drop sites. The food is collected by workers from an independent local NGO and then distributed. While the aid has reached around 30,000 people, the government-led campaign has faced resistance rooted in accusations of abuses by the military, including allegations made by local residents - and supported by Human Rights Watch - that government planes have dropped incendiary weapons. The government denies this and says it does everything possible to minimise harm to civilians. The SPLM-IO has accused the military of coercing displaced civilians to return home to collect the food. Local residents have also questioned the decision to drop food into Nasir, a military garrison town largely deserted by civilians after heavy fighting in March, as opposed to areas with high concentrations of displaced people. The government denied any coercion but acknowledged the drops into Nasir were intended to encourage people to return and show it could provide for them. "For you to claim the legitimacy and the representation of the people of South Sudan, you must have presence in all those places," said Ajongo.
