I toured the only nuclear-missile submarine in the US open to the public. Take a look inside.
The USS Growler is the only nuclear-missile submarine in the US that's open to the public.
Commissioned in 1958, the USS Growler patrolled seas off the coast of Russia during the Cold War.
The submarine is now an attraction at the Intrepid Museum in New York City.
The USS Growler was once a top-secret US Navy submarine that patrolled the ocean's depths during the Cold War. Armed with nuclear missiles and operated by a crew of 90 men, Growler's firepower acted as a deterrent to keep other nations from using their nuclear weapons in a strategy known as mutually assured destruction.
Today, the USS Growler is on display at the Intrepid Museum in New York City housed on the USS Intrepid, a 900-foot-long World War II-era aircraft carrier. The USS Growler floats alongside it in the Hudson River.
Visitors don't just get to look at the USS Growler; they can actually climb inside and walk through its narrow confines on a self-guided tour.
Submarines remain a crucial component of the US Navy's deterrent strategy. In September, the USS Georgia, a guided-missile submarine, was sent to the Middle East in a show of support for Israel and a show of force to Iran.
Submarines are a costly endeavor. The US Navy's Virginia-class submarine program is projected to run $17 billion over budget through 2030 amid delays, House Rep. Ken Calvert, chairman of the House defense appropriations subcommittee, said in September. The Navy has said delays are due to supply-chain issues and "lingering COVID-19 impacts."
While a nuclear-powered submarine, the USS Nautilus, is open to the public in Groton, Connecticut, the Intrepid Museum is the only place in the US where members of the public can go inside a submarine that carried nuclear missiles.
I visited the Intrepid Museum to tour the USS Growler in May 2024. Take a look inside the only nuclear-missle submarine open to the public.
The Intrepid Museum in New York City displays historic vessels used in sea, air, and space exploration as well as military operations.
Tickets cost $38 per adult and $28 per child over 4 years old and can be purchased on the Intrepid Museum's website. Veterans and military service members receive free admission.
One of the museum's top attractions is a self-guided tour of the USS Growler submarine.
Every time I've visited the Intrepid Museum, there has been a line to enter the submarine due to the attraction's popularity and small, enclosed spaces.
The line moved quickly when I visited in May 2024 — I only waited for about 15 minutes.
The USS Growler patrolled the seas on top-secret missions off the coast of Russia during the Cold War.
Commissioned in 1958, the USS Growler carried Regulus II sea-to-surface missiles armed with nuclear warheads. The looming threat of the submarine's firepower acted as a deterrent to prevent other countries from using their nuclear arsenals.
The submarine now floats in the Hudson River with its top deck visible from the dock of the museum.
Growler was decommissioned in 1964 and awarded to the Intrepid Museum in 1988. The Intrepid Museum spent over $1 million repairing the submarine in 2008 when holes were discovered in its hull during a museum-wide renovation, The New York Times reported.
Exhibits provided a brief history of the USS Growler and the nuclear missiles it carried before entering the submarine.
The first Regulus missiles had a range of 500 miles. Regulus II missiles could travel twice that distance.
There was also a sample doorway to make sure guests could walk through the submarine.
The first stop inside the submarine was one of the USS Growler's two missile hangars.
Each hangar could hold two Regulus I missiles, which each measured 33 feet long, according to the National Air and Space Museum.
In the navigation compartment, crew members plotted courses and tracked Growler's position.
Growler used a binnacle — a stand that holds a ship's compass — and SINS — the Ship's Inertial Navigation System — to navigate through the seas.
The missile checkout and guidance center was once a top-secret area.
Crew members assigned to the missile checkout and guidance center were in charge of maintaining, firing, and guiding the trajectory of the Regulus missiles. Launching a Regulus missile took about 15 minutes.
Officers on the USS Growler lived in staterooms that held two to three people.
Officers acted as leaders and commanders of the crew, overseeing the day-to-day operations of the submarine.
Their staterooms featured folding sinks and desks with chairs that included storage drawers to maximize the tight quarters.
Officers had access to their own shower.
Crew members shared a separate washroom.
Officers used the wardroom to eat, socialize, and hold meetings.
The wardroom was furnished with laminate walls and vinyl seating booths, popular interior design trends post-World War II.
Officers' meals were cooked in the galley and served from the wardroom pantry.
The USS Growler carried all of the food and supplies it would need to sustain itself during patrols that lasted over two months.
A storekeeper kept track of non-food supplies such as light bulbs, pens, and toilet paper.
The USS Growler's commanding officer enjoyed the only private room on the entire submarine as its highest-ranked leader.
The chief petty officers' quarters were nicknamed the "goat locker."
Chief petty officers helped train new submariners and acted as leaders and liaisons between officers and crew members.
The nickname "goat locker" dates back to 1893, when the rank of chief petty officer was established. Chief petty officers were put in charge of the goats that were kept on ships to produce milk, and the animals' pens were located in their quarters, according to the Naval History and Heritage Command.
Yeomen handled clerical and administrative work aboard the USS Growler's tiny office.
A ladder in the bridge trunk led to the bridge of the submarine.
When the USS Growler traveled on the surface of the water, the bridge provided a vantage point for crew members to surveil the surrounding ocean.
Seeing how far down I was in the submarine was striking. I couldn't imagine what it must have been like to serve on a two-month-long patrol with no fresh air or sunlight.
The control room and attack center contained a dizzying number of buttons, dials, and other instruments.
Here, the commanding officer would give orders to the crew.
The crew members who sat in the chairs directed the USS Growler's movements with three steering wheels that controlled different angles and movements.
The room also featured two periscopes: one for observation and one for attacks.
A call signal station could signal different areas of the submarine such as the wardroom, the office, and the control room.
The sonar room also aided Growler's navigation.
Sonar stands for sound navigation and ranging. The USS Growler used passive sonar, a system of underwater microphones that listen to the ocean and detect sound waves, to track other vessels and navigate its own positions.
Passive sonar is a more discreet alternative to active sonar, which sends a pulse of energy through the water to detect objects.
Crew members communicated with other ships in the radio room.
The USS Growler could only send messages at periscope depth. Lower down in the ocean, it could receive low-frequency signals, but couldn't send any outgoing messages.
Meals were prepared in the galley.
A meal schedule from 1962 listed dishes such as fried chicken, clam chowder, hamburgers, and meatloaf with gravy.
In the scullery, Growler crew members washed dishes and compacted trash.
Trash was disposed of in weighted tubes that wouldn't float to the surface and give away the submarine's location.
The crew's mess was the only common space on the USS Growler.
It functioned as the dining room as well as a place for crew members to play games and watch movies.
Growler's largest sleeping area contained 46 bunks.
The green straps on the beds kept crew members from rolling out of the bunks during rough seas.
The crew's washroom featured two showers.
Showers were a rare luxury for crew members on the USS Growler. A plaque displayed in the room read that some sailors said they never showered once during their two-month patrols.
A distillation system boiled seawater, filtering out the salt to supply fresh water.
The distilled water was used for cooling the submarine's diesel engines, cooking food, washing dishes, and bathing.
Growler's three diesel engines were located in the engine room.
The engines were soundproofed.
Sailors controlled Growler's speed in the maneuvering room, with officers communicating orders from the control room.
The USS Growler's maximum speed was 12 knots, or 14 mph, while submerged and 14 knots, or 16 mph, while surfaced.
In addition to carrying nuclear missiles, the USS Growler was also armed with torpedoes.
Nine crew members slept in the aft torpedo room, where weapons like the Mark 37 torpedo were kept.
I was relieved to see the sky again as I exited the USS Growler, and in awe of service members who spent months at a time on the vessel.
As the only nuclear-missile submarine in the US that's open to the public, visiting the USS Growler is absolutely worth a trip to the Intrepid Museum.
I was fascinated by how self-sufficient the submarine was as it carried out top-secret patrols. It was hard to believe that 90 crew members operated in such small spaces for extended periods of time.
With its supply of nuclear missiles kept at the ready during the Cold War, the stakes couldn't have been higher to keep the USS Growler running smoothly and efficiently. The stakes remain high today as US Navy submarines continue to patrol waters connected to regional conflicts.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
36 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Trump Is Attempting a ‘Reverse Nixon'
In the early 1970s, President Richard Nixon made history by drawing Communist China closer to the United States, giving Washington an advantage in its Cold War contest with the Soviet Union. Half a century later, President Donald Trump seems to be eyeing a similar diplomatic maneuver, but in reverse: drawing Russia closer to the United States in order to give Washington an advantage in its geopolitical competition with Communist China. If Trump were to pull this off, he, too, would change the course of history—isolating China, guaranteeing European security, and solidifying American global primacy. But the plan—known as a 'reverse Nixon' in foreign-policy circles—could easily backfire. On the face of it, trying to peel Russia off from China has a certain logic. The two countries have forged a partnership in recent years that could pose a serious threat to U.S. interests—Beijing's support for Moscow's invasion of Ukraine exemplifies this. 'The one thing you never want to happen is you never want Russia and China uniting,' Trump said in an October interview, citing one of his college professors. 'I'm going to have to un-unite them, and I think I can do that.' This imperative could help explain why the Trump administration has sought rapprochement with Russia. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has suggested that Russia may otherwise become subservient to China. 'If Russia becomes a permanent junior partner to China in the long term, well, now you're talking about two nuclear powers aligned against the United States,' he said in a February interview. Russian leaders could be forced 'to do whatever China says they need to do because of their dependence on them,' he continued. 'I don't think that's a good outcome for Russia, and it's not a good outcome for America or for Europe or for the world.' [Michael Schuman: Trump hands the world to China] Publicly, Chinese officials have dismissed the possibility of losing Russia to Trump. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi called the reverse-Nixon idea 'the obsolete Cold War mindset' and insisted that ties between Beijing and Moscow were 'as solid and unshakable as mountains.' Yet the fact that he felt the need to address the possibility may betray a degree of insecurity. Less than two weeks after Trump and Vladimir Putin spoke by phone in February, China's leader, Xi Jinping, had his own conversation with the Russian president and made sure to stress that 'our two countries are true friends' whose partnership had 'unique strategic value,' according to the summary of his comments issued by the Chinese foreign ministry. Nixon's task in the '70s was in some ways easier than the reverse Nixon promises to be today. The Chinese leaders Nixon wooed had already split with the Soviets and perceived them as a threat. Now China and Russia are closer than they have been in decades, and Putin has not evinced much inclination to change that. In early May, Putin hosted Xi at a World War II Victory Day celebration in Moscow and called the Chinese leader his 'dear friend.' Nor has Putin shown much enthusiasm for a deal with Trump to end the war in Ukraine (Vice President J. D. Vance complained earlier this month that the Russians were 'asking for too much'). The Trump administration may not fully appreciate the depth of the bond between America's adversaries. In his October interview, Trump expressed the belief that Russia and China have drawn close mainly as a result of faulty U.S. policies, especially those of President Joe Biden. Trump was most likely referring to Washington's tough stance on Ukraine, including sanctions on Russia, which arguably led Moscow to seek support and reprieve from China. 'We united them. Biden united them,' Trump said. 'The stupidity of what they've done.' But focusing on Ukraine gives short shrift to the many political, economic, and strategic interests that Putin and Xi share—chief among them a mutual antipathy toward the United States. 'Their common mistrust of Washington and their hopes of becoming more powerful in an emerging multipolar order—at the United States' expense—are likely to provide a strong enough foundation to keep the Chinese-Russian partnership stable and growing,' Alexander Gabuev, the director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, argued in a December analysis. Then there are the economic links. At this point, Putin may not be able to break free from China even if he wanted to. According to Gabuev, China now buys 30 percent of Russian exports; 40 percent of Russian imports come from China. China now buys more oil from Russia than from any other country. Even if the U.S. removes sanctions as part of a settlement of the Ukraine war, these arrangements might not change. 'Putin has no reason to give up China's extensive, concrete, and reliable support to Russia's civilian economy and defense industry in exchange for ties to Washington that may not last past the end of Trump's term,' the scholars Michael McFaul and Evan Medeiros argued in an essay in April. [Paul Mason: Trump brings Britain's 'moron premium' to the U.S. economy] If Trump and Xi wind up competing for Putin's attention, the Russian leader could play the U.S. and China off each other, to his own benefit. 'Russia could assume the pivot position in the triangular relation among the United States, China, and Russia,' Bonnie Glaser, the managing director of the German Marshall Fund's Indo-Pacific program, told me, meaning that Moscow would have better ties with Beijing and Washington than either would with the other. A successful reverse Nixon could work to the advantage of the United States. But it's a long shot, and failing means fracturing the American alliance with Europe without splitting Russia from China. With its large nuclear arsenal, Russia would remain a threat to global security, and by placing Putin in the pivot position, Trump would strengthen and embolden both him and Xi to increase their pressure on the United States. Article originally published at The Atlantic


Chicago Tribune
39 minutes ago
- Chicago Tribune
Richard Rung, D-Day veteran who taught at Wheaton College, dies at 100
Richard Rung was a 19-year-old sailor on a Navy vessel approaching the shores of Omaha Beach in Nazi-occupied France just after dawn on June 6, 1944. Rung was one of 160,000 Allied troops landing in Normandy that day, which marked a turning point in World War II and paved the way for Europe's liberation. As part of the 80th anniversary of D-Day, Rung returned to Omaha Beach last year to receive the French Legion of Honor from France's president, Emmanuel Macron, and reflected on the horrors of war. 'D-Day was terrible,' Rung told the Tribune. 'You can't even describe it. Everywhere, there were guys floating in the water. There were guys trying to get on the beach before they were hit. It was a terrible experience.' After surviving D-Day, Run served in the Pacific Theater and took part in Allies' occupation of Japan. Back home, he became a popular history and political science professor at Wheaton College for 27 years. Rung, 100, died of natural causes on May 23 at the Covenant Living at Windsor Park retirement community in Carol Stream, where he had lived for the past 20 years, said his son-in-law, Carl Pickard. He previously lived in Wheaton. Born and raised in Buffalo, NY, Rung was drafted a month after his high school graduation and received training as a diesel engine mechanic at the U.S. Naval Institute in Richmond, Va. He was assigned to work as a motor machinist mechanic on a landing craft carrying supplies, ammunition and troops. Codenamed Operation Overlord, the liberation of Western Europe was launched with the Normandy landings. Rung considered himself very fortunate to have survived the bloody invasion. 'Why did I live through this and I saw all these other guys that didn't get through?' Rung asked in last year's Tribune interview. 'I always asked the question, 'Why did it happen to them and not me?' I've never forgotten what happened there.' The Allies secured the beaches and then Normandy before capturing the rest of France and invading Germany. Rung remained in Normandy for about five months as he and fellow troops captured a large deep water harbor at Cherbourg, France, and solidified Allied control of Western Europe. Rung returned to Buffalo for a month in late 1944, and then his landing craft shipped out for the Pacific Theater by way of the Panama Canal. He served in Okinawa, Japan and also in the Philippines before being honorably discharged in March 1946. Again back in Buffalo, he worked for a natural gas company, laying gas pipelines, then attended Gordon College in Massachusetts, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1953 and played on the baseball team. Rung then picked up a master's degree in history from Boston University and taught social sciences and served as dean of students at King's College in Briarcliff Manor, N.Y. In 1963, Wheaton College President Hudson Armerding recruited Rung to join the college's faculty as a history professor. Rung later moved into the college's political science department. Rung often took students on summer tours to Europe, and in 1977, he brought a group behind the Iron Curtain to Russia. 'He was a great professor, and a great guy to learn from. And he didn't toot his own horn,' saidBill Seitz, a former student advisee of Rung's who kept in touch with Rung after college. 'What I admired most was his service.' About 30 years ago, Seitz cofounded Cornerstone Academy, an alternative high school now located in Oak Park, and Seitz taught there as well. He recalled Rung speaking to his students. 'He came to my class and talked, and the students…didn't want to leave,' Seitz said. 'He was telling the stories of Omaha Beach.' After retiring from Wheaton College in 1990, Rung traveled and went on short missions trips, his son-in-law said. He taught English to students in China, volunteered for several local charities and taught Sunday school at area churches. At age 84, Rung took up painting, and he went on to create more than 50 pieces, most of early Americana scenes and historical ships, Pickard said. 'He was just a wonderful human being, with an impish sense of humor,' said Russ Bishop, 93, a longtime friend and retired Gordon College professor. Rung visited Normandy four times after World War II. On his first return upon the 50th anniversary of D-Day, in 1994, he refused to walk in the sand, fearing leftover mines of the sort that had killed and injured many of his fellow 'I wasn't going on the beach,' he told the Tribune last year. 'I said to myself, 'I wonder if they missed one mine.'' Last year, French President Emmanuel Macron presented Rung with the French Legion of Honor award at the commemoration of the 80th anniversary of D-Day. 'For me, it's not 80 years ago,' Rung told the Tribune. 'Periodically it (feels like) yesterday.' Ralph Peeters, a Netherlands-based caregiver with the Best Defense Foundation, took Rung to Normandy for visits in the last several years. 'He was such an easygoing person,' Peeters said. 'He was always respectful to the people around him. My most beautiful memory with him was standing with him being honored with the Legion of Honor at the official France ceremony for the 80th anniversary (of) D-Day. Seeing him get this honor from Macron was very emotional for me but also for him.' On Memorial Day 2024, Rung spoke about D-Day and his service in World War II during a ceremony in Winfield. 'Death and destruction were all around me. War is hell. It truly is,' he said, according to a Tribune article last year. 'Take that from someone who was there….Let us strive to be peacemakers and, to the degree possible, to live in peace with our fellow man.' Rung's wife of 76 years, Dorothy, died in March at 98. Rung also is survived by his daughter, Judy Pickard; a son, Richard; five grandchildren; and six great-grandchildren. A visitation is set for 2 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Friday, June 6, followed by a 3 p.m. memorial service at Immanuel Presbyterian Church, 29W260 Batavia Road in Warrenville.


Fox News
an hour ago
- Fox News
New book exposes Biden's 'scripted' Cabinet meetings amid alleged cognitive decline cover-up
Former President Joe Biden's Cabinet meetings were overly "scripted," CNN anchor Jake Tapper and Axios political correspondent Alex Thompson reveal in their book, "Original Sin," an outline of Biden's cognitive decline and his administration's alleged cover-up. "The Cabinet meetings were terrible and at times uncomfortable – and they were from the beginning," a Cabinet member told the authors. "I don't recall a great Cabinet meeting in terms of his presence. They were so scripted." The White House's speechwriters shortened Biden's remarks and shrank his vocabulary to adapt to "Biden's diminished capabilities," according to Tapper and Thompson. During his one-term presidency, Biden's aides told the journalists that he became increasingly reliant on teleprompters and note cards, even for private conversations and in Cabinet meetings. Four Cabinet members who spoke with Tapper and Thompson described Biden's meetings as overly scripted. One Cabinet secretary said he hated "the scripts" for Cabinet meetings, while another doubted in 2022 that he could run for re-election. "You want people to tell you the truth and have a real dialogue, and those meetings were not that," a Cabinet member told Tapper and Thompson. However, as Biden's bad speeches and reliance on note cards became common practice, a speechwriter told Tapper and Thompson that over time, "they just got used to it." The story behind closed doors was inconsistent with the White House's narrative, according to "Original Sin." In January 2024, the White House convened a meeting with Biden, his national security advisers and congressional leadership to urge Congress to continue financially supporting Ukraine against Russia's invasion. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries described Biden as "incredibly strong, forceful, and decisive," and the official White House readout said Biden was "clear" about protecting national security and "underscored the importance of Congress ensuring Ukraine has the resources it needs." However, a House Democrat who attended the meeting said, "That's not true," Tapper and Thompson wrote. A second House Democrat described the meeting as a "disaster," and a "s---show." "For the first twenty minutes of the meeting, the president listlessly read bullet points out of a binder. For many at the table, he was difficult to hear. He stumbled over words; he started sentences and then stopped abruptly; he trailed off," Tapper and Thompson said. A House Democrat said he was "not capable of making a strong, forceful argument," and deferred to National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and National Intelligence Director Avril Haines to answer questions, as outlined in "Original Sin." Tapper and Thompson described a concerning event for senior administration officials on the anniversary of the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision. After reading a "weak, slurry" speech from a teleprompter, Biden confused Alabama with Texas and then his own Cabinet members, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas and Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra. "I blame his inner circle, and I blame him," an official who found the event "crazy" told the authors a year later. As Cabinet members observed concerning practices that accompanied Biden's day-to-day meetings, Tapper and Thompson described how the president's circle grew smaller and smaller in 2023 and 2024. "Access dropped off considerably in 2024, and I didn't interact with him as much," a Cabinet secretary told the authors. "I didn't get an explanation." The Cabinet secretary said they briefed senior White House aides who would then communicate the information to the president themselves. They questioned if it was the White House's way of filtering information to shape his decisions. "I think the people around him had their own agenda, and they didn't want more people around him," another Cabinet member told Tapper and Thompson. The Cabinet members who spoke to Tapper and Thompson described a "weird period" when they didn't have any access to Biden for months between 2023 and 2024. They described it as a "deliberate strategy by the White House to have him meet with as few people as necessary." When they did see him, they said they were shocked at how "disoriented" and "out of it" he seemed, mumbling and "not making much sense." Fox News Digital has written extensively dating back to the 2020 presidential campaign about Biden's cognitive decline and his inner circle's alleged role in covering it up. A Biden spokesperson did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital's request for comment.