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Five surprising faces in Germany's new parliament

Five surprising faces in Germany's new parliament

Local Germany25-03-2025

Here are five prominent faces from the chamber.
Helmut Kohl's grandson
Helmut Kohl, the architect of German reunification, had been chancellor for 14 years when his grandson Johannes Volkmann was born in 1996.
Volkmann was originally named Kohl -- like his father Walter -- but his parents decided to change it to his mother's surname to protect his identity.
At age 28 he stood for the Christian Democrats (CDU) in February's election, taking up his grandfather's political mantle.
Volkmann showed an interest in politics from an early age, joining the CDU's youth wing at the age of 14.
After studying economics, politics, sociology and contemporary Chinese studies -- spending a semester at university in Shanghai and Beijing -- he worked as chief of staff to an MEP and in 2024 became the youngest member of the CDU's executive committee.
Merkel's far-right successor
The AfD's Dario Seifert, 31, caused a sensation in February's election by winning Angela Merkel's old constituency on the Baltic Sea coast.
Seifert, who ran on a ticket of improving local housing and infrastructure, was once a member of the youth wing of the neo-Nazi NPD party.
He called it a youthful indiscretion in comments to the Nordkurier local newspaper, emphasising his "right to have evolved politically".
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With a thick head of dark hair, a neatly trimmed moustache and often seen wearing a leather jacket, Seifert has become a symbol for the AfD's success in the ex-communist east.
Merkel held the constituency in northern Germany for more than 30 years until her retirement in 2021, when it went to a young unknown from Chancellor Olaf Scholz's SPD.
READ ALSO:
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The face of integration
Awet Tesfaiesus, 50, became the first black woman to be elected to the Bundestag in 2021 and was re-elected this year for the Greens.
Tesfaiesus arrived in Germany at age 10 with her family, fleeing the Eritrean war of independence.
She learned German at school and went on to become a lawyer representing asylum seekers and refugees.
Tesfaiesus decided to go into politics after nine people were killed in a shooting spree by a far-right extremist in the city of Hanau in 2020.
Awet Tesfaiesus (Alliance 90/The Greens) speaks during the 158th session of the Bundestag on International Women's Day. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jonathan Penschek
She has accused the AfD of racism and said she wanted to stand for a second time because "giving up is not an option".
"It's also my parliament and my country," she told the left-wing news outlet nd.Aktuell. "If the AfD is there, then I also want to be there as a black woman."
The demoted chancellor
Olaf Scholz led his Social Democrats (SPD) to the worst result in the party's history in February's election, bringing home just 16.4 percent of the vote.
Although the SPD looks set to be part of the next government, Scholz has ruled out taking a senior position under the likely next chancellor, Friedrich Merz of the conservative CDU.
READ ALSO:
What happens next in Germany's rapid-fire coalition talks
Scholz did however narrowly win his constituency in Potsdam, just outside Berlin, and unusually for an ex-chancellor he is returning to the chamber as an MP.
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The old comrade
With 30 years and nine months of service, Gregor Gysi, 77, of the far-left Die Linke, is the longest-tenured member of the new German parliament.
Gysi worked as a lawyer in the former East Germany before helping to reform the old communist party after the Berlin Wall fell.
He was first elected to the Bundestag after reunification in 1990.
Member of the Bundestag Gregor Gysi (l) takes a selfie with a party comrade at the Left Party's Political Ash Wednesday in Thyrnau-Kellberg. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Daniel Löb
Die Linke had been teetering on the brink of the five-percent threshold for inclusion in the German parliament, but made an unexpected comeback in the final weeks before the election.
READ ALSO:
OPINION - Merz is on top but the Left are surprise winners in Germany's dramatic election
That success was partly down to a light-hearted social media campaign centred around three "old comrades" including Gysi.
During the campaign, Gysi even became a TikTok star after a techno DJ made a video using fragments of his speeches.

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As Bundestag debates the planned second extension of Mietpreisbremse rent controls until 2029 and is almost certain to pass it, I have a question: isn't it actually high time we got rid of the 'rent brake'? Your first reaction – especially if you are one of the 50 percent of German households living in rental accommodation – might be to ask back: scrap legislation intended to limit rent price increases at a time when rents are shooting up? What are you, nuts? To which I would answer: rents have been shooting up ever since German cities were given the option of putting controls in place ten years ago. They've risen by almost 40 percent in my part of Hamburg, for instance, as this interactive infographic map illustrates , and Berlin is another story altogether … But surely, you might object, without the Mietpreisbremse , these rises would have been even worse? That can't be proved either way. 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So increasingly, landlords max out the 10% the Mietpreisbremse allows – and then make use of all legal options to keep upping the rent. That is one reason so many new rentals are now using the unloved Staffelmiete (defined raises every year) and Indexmiete inflation-linked contracts, which allow for increases of 15 or 20 percent in a three-year period. Previously, it was standard practice – especially among ethically-minded private owners – to issue standard contracts and leave rents more or less untouched for sitting tenants before upping them on re-letting. Now, as rents continue to soar but the Mietpreisbremse limits raises, many private landlords are, perversely, having to hike rents in existing leases to avoid trouble with the Finanzamt further down the line: not charging market rates is, of course, considered a form of tax avoidance. These in-tenancy rises then drag up the averages on which the 10 percent maximum is calculated, and so the 'rent brake' is being applied at the same time as the price accelerator. Advertisement Overly-complex – and potentially unconstitutional This reveals the fundamental problem with rental controls. Like it or not, Germany's rental market is just that – a market. Yet by selling off swathes of social housing stock over recent decades, many major cities have deprived themselves of the best means of slowing price rises in this market -- offering affordable rental accommodation to those who need it. Instead, they now find themselves shelling out huge sums in housing benefit – Wohngeld – to low-income households and hoping that middle-income tenants have the gumption and courage to apply the complicated Mietpreisbremse themselves. All of this, meanwhile, puts the majority of well-meaning landlords at a disadvantage and encourages those with the ways and means to maximise revenue (or to simply ignore the system). No wonder rents are going up faster than ever. A view of flats in Hamburg. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Daniel Bockwoldt So for me, it's simple: the Mietpreisbremse should be scrapped. Even in this market, asking rents currently can't go much higher – prospective tenants can no longer afford them on their wages – and there is every reason to suspect that the legislation may actually have pushed prices to this point faster than would otherwise have been the case. This, in turn, is contributing to stasis as people are forced to stay put and make do , with vacancies in most cities far below the 1 percent generally considered the minimum necessary for a functioning rental market. 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