
The Trump judge wars are back
President Donald Trump's first term was marked by a contentious and ultimately wildly successful campaign to overhaul the federal judiciary — one that dominated the Senate floor calendar for nearly four years straight and occasionally exploded in partisan fury.
Now, with Trump dealing with unpredictable foreign crises and a sprawling domestic policy megabill, judge nominations have been almost an afterthought in the White House and on Capitol Hill.
That changed Wednesday, when Emil Bove — Trump's former personal lawyer, now a top Justice Department official — appeared for the Senate Judiciary Committee for a fiery hearing on his nomination to an appeals court judgeship.
The decision to nominate Bove, and the apparent willingness of Republican senators to fall in line behind him, suggests Trump is embracing a new kind of judicial pick as he continues to face significant resistance to his governing decisions in the federal courts.
Bove, 44, faced intense questioning from panel Democrats who pressed on his loyalty to the president as reflected not only in his private representation of Trump but his actions as principal associate deputy attorney general. Those include dismissing prosecutors tied to cases involving the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, ending the corruption prosecution of New York City Mayor Eric Adams and pursuing the administration's deportation agenda.
'Bove has led the effort to weaponize the Department of Justice against the president's enemies,' said Illinois Sen. Dick Durbin, the top Judiciary Democrat. 'Having earned his stripes as a loyalist to this president, he's been rewarded with a lifetime nomination.'
The tenor of Wednesday's hearing suggested that there is no detente in sight in the escalating partisan fight over federal judges, which reached a crescendo in 2018 with the searing confirmation battle over Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh.
The only check on the rancor might be the fact that there are relatively few judicial vacancies for Trump to fill at the moment. According to the U.S. court system, there are just about 50 across the country, the vast majority of which are on district courts. The president's first slate of judicial nominees, including a pick for the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals, is poised to have a vote Thursday before the Judiciary Committee.
There are, however, three Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices 70 or over who are considered possible candidates for retirement over the next three-and-a-half years. Trump's willingness to nominate Bove — and to weather a hardball confirmation fight when a lesser-known nominee might have had an easier time — suggests he won't hesitate to tap another loyalist when a high-court slot opens up.
With a potential lifetime appointment to the 3rd Circuit, with jurisdiction over appeals from New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and the Virgin Islands, Bove himself could emerge as a SCOTUS short-list candidate if confirmed.
The questioning Wednesday appeared to underscore the high stakes. Democrats questioned Bove about the pardons of Jan. 6 convicts and his role in the removal of the line prosecutors who sent them to jail.
The issue was effective in sinking one prior Trump nominee: his initial pick for U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, Ed Martin. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), a Judiciary member up for next year, effectively tanked his chances by objecting to Martin's comments minimizing the Capitol riot. (Tillis said Wednesday he has not yet taken a position on Bove's nomination. 'Honestly I haven't discussed it with my staff yet,' he said.)
Democrats also seized on the Justice Department's decision to abandon the Adams prosecution — a controversial order from Bove himself that triggered the resignation of at least 6 prosecutors in New York and Washington. In her resignation letter, then-acting Manhattan U.S. attorney Danielle Sassoon accused Bove of engaging in a corrupt deal to drop the case in exchange for the Democratic mayor's support of Trump's immigration policies.
Asked during the hearing to swear to his 'higher being' that he didn't make a 'political deal' with Adams, Bove replied: 'I swear to my higher being and on every bone in my body.'
But Bove also said that he ordered the case dismissed based on 'policy considerations,' explaining that 'the prosecution placed an inordinate burden on the mayor's ability to protect the city and to campaign in an ongoing election cycle.'
Using that logic, Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) said, 'there would be two classes of justice – one for people who are in office and one for everyone else.'
Bove also denied allegations from a former DOJ official that he suggested defying court orders for the administration's deportation agenda.
'I am not anybody's henchman,' Bove told senators. 'I am not an enforcer. I am a lawyer from a small town who never expected to be in an arena like this.'
Republicans rallied to Bove's defense, with the tone set early in the hearing by Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), who noted that the nominee had seen an 'intense opposition campaign' and extolled his credentials as a former prosecutor.
Democrats, on the other hand, cast the fight over Bove's nomination as one of grave significance for the rule of law, echoing a familiar fight from Trump's first term. Indeed, federal judges appointed by presidents of both parties have been some of the most effective checks on Trump's power early in his second term — much to the president's frustration.
Yet Democrats have little power to stop Trump's nominees so long as Republican senators stick together. With a 53-vote Senate majority, GOP leaders can lose several votes and still confirm Trump's picks with Vice President JD Vance as a tie-breaker.
Democrats also lack the benefit of the 'blue slip' policy that gives home-state senators effective veto power over court nominees. Republicans abandoned the practice for circuit judges during Trump's first term, one of the procedural changes in the Senate that allowed the party to confirm hundreds of judicial nominees during those four years. Democrats maintained the practice after they won control of the Senate and Joe Biden won the presidency.
Among those attending Wednesday's hearing were Attorney General Pam Bondi and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche — Bove's supervisors at the Justice Department. Blanche and Bove worked together as Trump's criminal defense attorneys, including during last year's criminal trial that resulted in his conviction on 34 felony counts of business fraud. Bondi defended Trump during his first impeachment trial.
Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) contended that Bondi and Blanche attended for the sole purpose of 'whip[ping] the Republicans into shape, to make sure that they toe the line.'
'They were there to send a message to Republicans: We are watching you,' Blumenthal said during a news conference after Bove's testimony. 'They were there to watch members of this committee, the Republicans, whom they expect simply to fall into line.'
Bove wasn't the only Trump nominee answering questions about his loyalty to the president Wednesday. Edward L. Artau, one of four district court nominees to also appear before Senate Judiciary members, was asked by Blumenthal why he did not recuse himself from a case involving Trump after he began lobbying for a federal judgeship.
POLITICO previously reported that Artau, a state judge, was lobbying for a seat on the federal bench while he sat on a three-judge panel in Trump's defamation case against the board of the Pulitzer Prizes.
Asked by Blumenthal why he did not recuse himself, Artau maintained that he abided by the relevant judicial conduct rule. He said he did know he was under consideration from the White House at the time he wrote the opinion.
'Had the timing been differently, then I may have handled it differently,' Artau said.
Calen Razor contributed to this report.
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Politico
5 minutes ago
- Politico
California Democrats stage internal war over Gavin Newsom's late push to build more housing
SACRAMENTO, California — Gavin Newsom thought he could push an ambitious housing proposal through California's Democratic-controlled Legislature. Instead, he ran into a wall of resistance from should-be allies angrily comparing his plans to Jim Crow, slavery and immigration raids. Hours of explosive state budget hearings on Wednesday revealed deepening rifts within the Legislature's Democratic supermajority over how to ease California's prohibitively high cost of living. Labor advocates determined to sink one of Newsom's proposals over wage standards for construction workers filled a hearing room at the state Capitol mocking, yelling, and storming out at points while lawmakers went over the details of Newsom's plan to address the state's affordability crisis and sew up a $12 billion budget deficit. Lawmakers for months have been bracing for a fight with Newsom over his proposed cuts to safety net programs in the state budget. Instead, Democrats are throwing up heavy resistance to his last-minute stand on housing development — a proposal that has drawn outrage from labor and environmental groups in heavily-Democratic California. 'Anyone who believed this would not cause a giant explosion — they were living in la-la-land,' said Todd David, a San Francisco political consultant who has worked for state Sen. Scott Wiener and housing-focused groups. For Newsom, a potential 2028 presidential contender, it was a striking show of resistance from a flank of his own party over housing. A priority of the Democratic governor, Newsom had put his political capital behind an attempt to strong-arm the Legislature by making the entire state budget contingent on passing a bill to speed housing development by relaxing environmental protection rules. A spokesperson for Newsom pointed to a statement Tuesday night emphasizing partnership with lawmakers in reaching a budget deal while noting that 'it is contingent on finalizing legislation to cut red tape and unleash housing and infrastructure development across the state — to build more, faster.' The fault lines on display this week run deep. Construction unions and the statewide California Labor Federation have long resisted housing bills they see as eroding wage standards, often packing hearing rooms with members who urge lawmakers to vote no. Democrats have at times decried their union allies' hardball tactics. But Newsom's unprecedented intervention — and the forceful response from union foes — pushed the conflict into a whole new realm. 'To have legislation that is this large and this significant be forced through at the 11th hour … seems pretty absurd to me,' Democratic state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez said at the hearing. 'I just cannot begin to explain how incredibly inappropriate and hurtful this is.' Scott Wetch, a lobbyist representing the trade unions, contended that this could be the first time since the Jim Crow era that California is 'contemplating a law to suppress wages.' Pérez, who represents a Los Angeles district, said the proposal was 'incredibly insensitive' amid immigration raids targeting mostly 'blue-collar workers who are Latino.' And Kevin Ferreira, executive director of the Sacramento-Sierra's Building and Construction Trades Council, told lawmakers the bill 'will compel our workers to be shackled and start singing chain gang songs.' In a sign of the stakes, the fight quickly spilled beyond California as North America's Building Trades Unions — an umbrella group covering millions of workers across the United States in Canada that rarely intercedes in state politics — sent Newsom a blistering letter warning the bill would 'create a race to the bottom.' Environmental groups piled on late Wednesday, with around 60 of them, including the Sierra Club and Earthjustice, blasting the proposal in a letter as a 'backroom Budget Trailer Bill deal that would kill community and environmental protections, even as the people of California are faced with unprecedented federal attacks to their lives and livelihoods.' Unions warned the governor was betraying his Democratic base. Gretchen Newsom, a representative of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, said Newsom's stance was baffling to people 'looking at the Democratic Party and wondering what comes next for the governor.' 'I see this as a complete debacle and devastating to workers all across California,' said Newsom, who is not related to the governor. Labor leaders were once again at one another's throats, with many opponents faulting carpenters' unions who have backed streamlining efforts. Danny Curtin, director of the California Conference of Carpenters, said the scale of housing woes in California, where the price for the median home now tops $900,000, demanded an aggressive solution. 'The housing crisis is the most politically, socially, economically destabilizing crisis in California,' Curtin said. 'I would give the governor credit for trying to cut through another year of arguing.' In the broader budget negotiations, Newsom had largely capitulated to pushback from lawmakers over the steepest cuts he had proposed making to the state's Medicaid program, particularly for undocumented immigrants. Now, he is putting his political capital behind affordability proposals. But in a sign that Newsom's influence may be waning, lawmakers on Wednesday delayed a vote over wage provisions tucked into a separate budget bill. The proposal would allow developers to set a minimum wage standard for construction workers on certain affordable housing projects that could be lower than what union workers currently command. 'It's not a simple thing around the edges,' said state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo, a Los Angeles Democrat. 'It is a massive change. It challenges the role of collective bargaining in this state that has never been done before.' Wiener, a state budget negotiator who for years has fought to remove obstacles to denser housing development in California, defended the proposal at the hearing as setting a 'floor, not a ceiling' for wages. But he admitted that the swift and ferocious opposition led him to delay the vote. 'It's always appropriate for people to say, 'This needs to be changed, that needs to be changed. This wage is too low, that wage is too low,' Wiener said. 'That's always appropriate.' The governor was markedly less aggressive this year in his efforts to wring a budget deal out of lawmakers. Newsom did not attend caucus meetings in person to make his case for the housing legislation, as he has with previous proposals, although he has been in touch with some lawmakers via text message. Some of that was a matter of timing: Newsom has been preoccupied by the White House launching sweeping immigration raids and then deploying federal troops to Los Angeles, fomenting a standoff that overlapped with budget negotiations. Corey Jackson, a Democrat from Southern California who chairs an Assembly budget committee on human services, said that while he wasn't privy to Newsom's involvement in discussions, California needs a governor who is '24/7 going to be focused' on the state. 'Because our issues are that complicated,' Jackson said. 'And the number of crises that come up in California, as you've seen, will continue to happen every year.'


CBS News
19 minutes ago
- CBS News
Minnesota solar energy advocates mourn the loss of "champion" Rep. Melissa Hortman, author of law boosting industry
Before she was the Democrats' leader and then Speaker of the Minnesota House, Melissa Hortman chaired the chamber's energy policy committee and authored a law that remained one of her proudest legislative achievements: boosting solar energy in the state. Her obituary, published in the Minnesota Star Tribune, described her work on solar as "trailblazing." Advocates describe her as their champion, whom they directly credit for paving the way for the industry to thrive. "Before 2013, we really weren't an industry. Now we represent over 5,000 Minnesotans, and every single one of those 5,000 Minnesotans owes their jobs to Melissa Hortman," said Logan O'Grady, executive director of the Minnesota Solar Energy Industries Association, a trade group. The 2013 measure set benchmarks for how much solar a utility must include in its energy supply. It also established community solar gardens to increase access for more people — like renters or others who can't afford solar on their homes — and receive credit on their energy bills, among other provisions. "A lot of people owe their livelihoods to her, including myself, and a lot of people have her to thank because of her strong advocacy for the legislation that was required to build our industry on," he added. The state's solar capacity has grown rapidly since 2015 in wake of the law's passage, and community solar gardens represent nearly 60% of solar energy produced in Minnesota, according to recent data from the Minnesota Department of Commerce. That makes Minnesota unique, O'Grady said, and other states took note of Minnesota's law and replicated it. "We lovingly call her our solar godmother," he said. The law states 10% of all electricity sales must be generated from solar by 2030. The commerce department said in a report last year that utilities are making progress towards meeting that goal. Evan Carlson, founder of community solar developer Enterprise Energy, said while he hadn't ever met Hortman, her leadership on this issue impacted him in a personal way. "The effects of her work had a profound effect on my life. It allowed me, as an energy professional, formerly in oil and gas, to move home to Minnesota, where there is no oil. There is no gas. There is only wind and solar," he told WCCO in an interview Wednesday. "And for people who work in the energy industry, this is it. This is upstream energy. And she created that, and it was a huge success." A decade after Hortman steered the solar energy standard law through the Legislature, Democrats in 2023, when they once again had total control of the House, Senate and governor's office, approved a new law requiring 100% of the state's electricity to be carbon-free by 2040. At a news conference ahead of that House vote on the bill that January, she shared that she believed the state had an obligation to pass energy policy to curb climate change. Standing alongside other advocates and lawmakers, Hortman specifically acknowledged the work of others in previous sessions to pave the way for renewable energy in Minnesota without ever drawing attention to herself. "We are building on the shoulders of the people who came before us," she said. But members of the solar industry say they know where credit is due.


CNN
22 minutes ago
- CNN
Trump administration sues all 15 Maryland federal judges over order blocking removal of immigrants
The Trump administration on Tuesday filed a lawsuit against all 15 federal judges in Maryland over an order blocking the immediate deportation of migrants challenging their removals, ratcheting up a fight with the federal judiciary over President Donald Trump's executive powers. The remarkable action lays bare the administration's determination to exert its will over immigration enforcement as well as a growing exasperation with federal judges who have time and again turned aside executive branch actions they see as lawless and without legal merit. 'It's extraordinary,' Laurie Levenson, a professor at Loyola Law School, said of the Justice Department's lawsuit. 'And it's escalating DOJ's effort to challenge federal judges.' At issue is an order signed by Chief Judge George L. Russell III and filed in May blocking the administration from immediately removing from the US any immigrants who file paperwork with the Maryland district court seeking a review of their detention. The order blocks the removal until 4 p.m. on the second business day after the habeas corpus petition is filed. The administration says the automatic pause on removals violates a Supreme Court ruling and impedes the president's authority to enforce immigration laws. The Trump administration has been locked for weeks in a growing showdown with the federal judiciary amid a barrage of legal challenges to the president's efforts to carry out key priorities around immigration and other matters. The Justice Department has grown increasingly frustrated by rulings blocking the president's agenda, accusing judges of improperly impeding the president's powers. 'President Trump's executive authority has been undermined since the first hours of his presidency by an endless barrage of injunctions designed to halt his agenda,' Attorney General Pamela Bondi said in a statement Wednesday. 'The American people elected President Trump to carry out his policy agenda: this pattern of judicial overreach undermines the democratic process and cannot be allowed to stand.' A spokesman for the Maryland district court declined to comment. Democratic Rep. Glenn Ivey of Maryland slammed the lawsuit, writing in a post on X, 'This is absurd and an unprecedented attack on the federal judiciary in Maryland. The Trump Administration will stop at nothing to undermine judicial rulings and delegitimize the courts.' Trump has railed against unfavorable judicial rulings, and in one case called for the impeachment of a federal judge in Washington who ordered planeloads of deported immigrants to be turned around. That led to an extraordinary statement from Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts, who said, 'Impeachment is not an appropriate response to disagreement concerning a judicial decision.' Among the judges named in the lawsuit is Paula Xinis, who has called the administration's deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to El Salvador illegal. Attorneys for Abrego Garcia have asked Xinis to impose fines against the administration for contempt, arguing that it ignored court orders for weeks to return him to the US. The order signed by Russell says it aims to maintain existing conditions and the potential jurisdiction of the court; ensure immigrant petitioners are able to participate in court proceedings and access attorneys; and give the government 'fulsome opportunity to brief and present arguments in its defense.' In an amended order, Russell said the court had received an influx of habeas petitions after hours that 'resulted in hurried and frustrating hearings in that obtaining clear and concrete information about the location and status of the petitioners is elusive.' The Trump administration has asked the Maryland judges to recuse themselves from the case. It wants a clerk to have a federal judge from another state hear it. James Sample, a constitutional law professor at Hofstra University, described the lawsuit as further erosion of legal norms by the administration. Normally when parties are on the losing side of an injunction, they appeal the order — not sue the court or judges, he said. On one hand, he said, the Justice Department has a point that injunctions should be considered extraordinary relief; it's unusual for them to be granted automatically in an entire class of cases. But, he added, it's the administration's own actions in repeatedly moving detainees to prevent them from obtaining writs of habeas corpus that prompted the court to issue the order. 'The judges here didn't ask to be put in this unenviable position,' Sample said. 'Faced with imperfect options, they have made an entirely reasonable, cautious choice to modestly check an executive branch that is determined to circumvent any semblance of impartial process.'