Lefties Losing It: Colorado terror attack shocks nation
Sky News host Rita Panahi has commented on a terror attack in Boulder, Colorado, where a man attacked a group protesting for the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza.

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Sydney Morning Herald
41 minutes ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
Gaza aid sites closed as Israel declares ‘combat zones'
Gaza aid distribution centres will be closed for the day on Wednesday, and the Israeli military warned that roads leading to them have been designated as 'combat zones'. The move comes after Palestinian health officials and witnesses said Israeli forces fired on people heading towards an aid distribution site on Tuesday, killing at least 27 people, in the third such incident in three days. The Israeli army said it fired 'near a few individual suspects' who left the designated route, approached its forces and ignored warning shots, and said it was looking into reports of casualties. It has previously denied firing on civilians or blocking them from reaching the aid sites. The US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) said its distribution centres would be closed for a day for 'update, organisation, and efficiency improvement work'. 'Please do not go to the site and follow general instructions. Operations will resume on Thursday', the group said in a post on Facebook. The GHF has also announced its new executive chairman as an American evangelical Christian leader who previously backed US President Donald Trump's proposal for the US to take over Gaza. Reverend Dr Johnnie Moore, an evangelical adviser to Trump during his first term, replaces former GHF chief Jake Wood, who resigned last week saying the organisation could not fulfil the principles of 'humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence'. In a statement posted on X, Moore said the group 'believes that serving the people of Gaza with dignity and compassion must be the top priority'. 'The old way of doing things just won't get it done,' he said.


The Advertiser
an hour ago
- The Advertiser
A two-state solution is gaining momentum again. Does it have a chance of success?
As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again. As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again. As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again. As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again.


The Advertiser
an hour ago
- The Advertiser
US-backed Gaza aid group to halt distribution of food
The US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has suspended the distribution of food as it presses Israel to boost civilian safety beyond the perimeter of its distribution sites, a day after dozens of Palestinians seeking aid were killed. The GHF says it won't distribute any food on Wednesday and has asked the Israeli military to "guide foot traffic in a way that minimises confusion or escalation risks" near military perimeters; develop clearer guidance for civilians; and enhance training to support civilian safety. "Our top priority remains ensuring the safety and dignity of civilians receiving aid," a GHF spokesperson said. An Israeli military spokesperson warned civilians against moving in areas leading to GHF sites on Wednesday, deeming them "combat zones". The Israeli military said on Tuesday that it opened fire on a group of people it viewed as a threat near a GHF food aid distribution site. The International Committee of the Red Cross said at least 27 people were killed and dozens injured. The GHF said the incident was "well beyond" its site. Palestinians who collected food GHF boxes on Tuesday described scenes of pandemonium, with no-one overseeing the handover of supplies or checking IDs, as crowds jostled for aid. The UN Security Council is also set to vote on Wednesday on a demand for a ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian militants Hamas and humanitarian access across Gaza, where aid has trickled amid chaos and bloodshed after Israel lifted an 11-week blockade on the enclave where famine looms. "It is unacceptable. Civilians are risking – and in several instances losing – their lives just trying to get food," UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said on Tuesday, adding that the aid distribution model backed by the US and Israel was "all a recipe for disaster, which is exactly what is going on". That model is run by the newly created GHF, which started operations in the enclave a week ago and said on Tuesday that it has given out more than seven million meals from three so-called secure distribution sites. GHF Interim Executive Director John Acree urged humanitarians in Gaza: "Work with us and we will get your aid delivered to those who are depending on it." The UN and other aid groups have refused to work with the GHF because they say it is not neutral and the distribution model militarises aid. GHF uses private US security and logistics companies to get aid to the distribution sites. It is the latest in a string of efforts to get more aid into the enclave, where experts say the entire population of some 2.1 million people is at risk of famine. The UN has long-blamed Israel and lawlessness in the enclave for hindering the delivery of aid into Gaza and its distribution throughout the war zone. Israel accuses Hamas of stealing aid, which the group denies. Israel said on Tuesday that three of its soldiers had been killed in fighting in northern Gaza. Gaza health officials said at least 18 more Palestinians were killed in other military strikes in the territory on Tuesday. Reuters could not independently verify the reports in northern and southern Gaza. The 10 elected members of the UN Security Council have asked for the 15-member body to vote on Wednesday on a draft resolution that demands "an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza respected by all parties". The draft text also demands the release of all hostages held by Hamas and others, and the immediate lifting of all restrictions on the entry of aid and its safe and unhindered distribution, including by the UN, throughout Gaza. The US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has suspended the distribution of food as it presses Israel to boost civilian safety beyond the perimeter of its distribution sites, a day after dozens of Palestinians seeking aid were killed. The GHF says it won't distribute any food on Wednesday and has asked the Israeli military to "guide foot traffic in a way that minimises confusion or escalation risks" near military perimeters; develop clearer guidance for civilians; and enhance training to support civilian safety. "Our top priority remains ensuring the safety and dignity of civilians receiving aid," a GHF spokesperson said. An Israeli military spokesperson warned civilians against moving in areas leading to GHF sites on Wednesday, deeming them "combat zones". The Israeli military said on Tuesday that it opened fire on a group of people it viewed as a threat near a GHF food aid distribution site. The International Committee of the Red Cross said at least 27 people were killed and dozens injured. The GHF said the incident was "well beyond" its site. Palestinians who collected food GHF boxes on Tuesday described scenes of pandemonium, with no-one overseeing the handover of supplies or checking IDs, as crowds jostled for aid. The UN Security Council is also set to vote on Wednesday on a demand for a ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian militants Hamas and humanitarian access across Gaza, where aid has trickled amid chaos and bloodshed after Israel lifted an 11-week blockade on the enclave where famine looms. "It is unacceptable. Civilians are risking – and in several instances losing – their lives just trying to get food," UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said on Tuesday, adding that the aid distribution model backed by the US and Israel was "all a recipe for disaster, which is exactly what is going on". That model is run by the newly created GHF, which started operations in the enclave a week ago and said on Tuesday that it has given out more than seven million meals from three so-called secure distribution sites. GHF Interim Executive Director John Acree urged humanitarians in Gaza: "Work with us and we will get your aid delivered to those who are depending on it." The UN and other aid groups have refused to work with the GHF because they say it is not neutral and the distribution model militarises aid. GHF uses private US security and logistics companies to get aid to the distribution sites. It is the latest in a string of efforts to get more aid into the enclave, where experts say the entire population of some 2.1 million people is at risk of famine. The UN has long-blamed Israel and lawlessness in the enclave for hindering the delivery of aid into Gaza and its distribution throughout the war zone. Israel accuses Hamas of stealing aid, which the group denies. Israel said on Tuesday that three of its soldiers had been killed in fighting in northern Gaza. Gaza health officials said at least 18 more Palestinians were killed in other military strikes in the territory on Tuesday. Reuters could not independently verify the reports in northern and southern Gaza. The 10 elected members of the UN Security Council have asked for the 15-member body to vote on Wednesday on a draft resolution that demands "an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza respected by all parties". The draft text also demands the release of all hostages held by Hamas and others, and the immediate lifting of all restrictions on the entry of aid and its safe and unhindered distribution, including by the UN, throughout Gaza. The US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has suspended the distribution of food as it presses Israel to boost civilian safety beyond the perimeter of its distribution sites, a day after dozens of Palestinians seeking aid were killed. The GHF says it won't distribute any food on Wednesday and has asked the Israeli military to "guide foot traffic in a way that minimises confusion or escalation risks" near military perimeters; develop clearer guidance for civilians; and enhance training to support civilian safety. "Our top priority remains ensuring the safety and dignity of civilians receiving aid," a GHF spokesperson said. An Israeli military spokesperson warned civilians against moving in areas leading to GHF sites on Wednesday, deeming them "combat zones". The Israeli military said on Tuesday that it opened fire on a group of people it viewed as a threat near a GHF food aid distribution site. The International Committee of the Red Cross said at least 27 people were killed and dozens injured. The GHF said the incident was "well beyond" its site. Palestinians who collected food GHF boxes on Tuesday described scenes of pandemonium, with no-one overseeing the handover of supplies or checking IDs, as crowds jostled for aid. The UN Security Council is also set to vote on Wednesday on a demand for a ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian militants Hamas and humanitarian access across Gaza, where aid has trickled amid chaos and bloodshed after Israel lifted an 11-week blockade on the enclave where famine looms. "It is unacceptable. Civilians are risking – and in several instances losing – their lives just trying to get food," UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said on Tuesday, adding that the aid distribution model backed by the US and Israel was "all a recipe for disaster, which is exactly what is going on". That model is run by the newly created GHF, which started operations in the enclave a week ago and said on Tuesday that it has given out more than seven million meals from three so-called secure distribution sites. GHF Interim Executive Director John Acree urged humanitarians in Gaza: "Work with us and we will get your aid delivered to those who are depending on it." The UN and other aid groups have refused to work with the GHF because they say it is not neutral and the distribution model militarises aid. GHF uses private US security and logistics companies to get aid to the distribution sites. It is the latest in a string of efforts to get more aid into the enclave, where experts say the entire population of some 2.1 million people is at risk of famine. The UN has long-blamed Israel and lawlessness in the enclave for hindering the delivery of aid into Gaza and its distribution throughout the war zone. Israel accuses Hamas of stealing aid, which the group denies. Israel said on Tuesday that three of its soldiers had been killed in fighting in northern Gaza. Gaza health officials said at least 18 more Palestinians were killed in other military strikes in the territory on Tuesday. Reuters could not independently verify the reports in northern and southern Gaza. The 10 elected members of the UN Security Council have asked for the 15-member body to vote on Wednesday on a draft resolution that demands "an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza respected by all parties". The draft text also demands the release of all hostages held by Hamas and others, and the immediate lifting of all restrictions on the entry of aid and its safe and unhindered distribution, including by the UN, throughout Gaza. The US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has suspended the distribution of food as it presses Israel to boost civilian safety beyond the perimeter of its distribution sites, a day after dozens of Palestinians seeking aid were killed. The GHF says it won't distribute any food on Wednesday and has asked the Israeli military to "guide foot traffic in a way that minimises confusion or escalation risks" near military perimeters; develop clearer guidance for civilians; and enhance training to support civilian safety. "Our top priority remains ensuring the safety and dignity of civilians receiving aid," a GHF spokesperson said. An Israeli military spokesperson warned civilians against moving in areas leading to GHF sites on Wednesday, deeming them "combat zones". The Israeli military said on Tuesday that it opened fire on a group of people it viewed as a threat near a GHF food aid distribution site. The International Committee of the Red Cross said at least 27 people were killed and dozens injured. The GHF said the incident was "well beyond" its site. Palestinians who collected food GHF boxes on Tuesday described scenes of pandemonium, with no-one overseeing the handover of supplies or checking IDs, as crowds jostled for aid. The UN Security Council is also set to vote on Wednesday on a demand for a ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian militants Hamas and humanitarian access across Gaza, where aid has trickled amid chaos and bloodshed after Israel lifted an 11-week blockade on the enclave where famine looms. "It is unacceptable. Civilians are risking – and in several instances losing – their lives just trying to get food," UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said on Tuesday, adding that the aid distribution model backed by the US and Israel was "all a recipe for disaster, which is exactly what is going on". That model is run by the newly created GHF, which started operations in the enclave a week ago and said on Tuesday that it has given out more than seven million meals from three so-called secure distribution sites. GHF Interim Executive Director John Acree urged humanitarians in Gaza: "Work with us and we will get your aid delivered to those who are depending on it." The UN and other aid groups have refused to work with the GHF because they say it is not neutral and the distribution model militarises aid. GHF uses private US security and logistics companies to get aid to the distribution sites. It is the latest in a string of efforts to get more aid into the enclave, where experts say the entire population of some 2.1 million people is at risk of famine. The UN has long-blamed Israel and lawlessness in the enclave for hindering the delivery of aid into Gaza and its distribution throughout the war zone. Israel accuses Hamas of stealing aid, which the group denies. Israel said on Tuesday that three of its soldiers had been killed in fighting in northern Gaza. Gaza health officials said at least 18 more Palestinians were killed in other military strikes in the territory on Tuesday. Reuters could not independently verify the reports in northern and southern Gaza. The 10 elected members of the UN Security Council have asked for the 15-member body to vote on Wednesday on a draft resolution that demands "an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza respected by all parties". The draft text also demands the release of all hostages held by Hamas and others, and the immediate lifting of all restrictions on the entry of aid and its safe and unhindered distribution, including by the UN, throughout Gaza.