Maryland State GOP House members call Democrats ‘reactionary' in response to DOGE cuts. Dems ask why they're not standing up for federal workers.
BALTIMORE — Against the backdrop of a raging national fight as President Donald Trump overhauls the U.S. government, tensions bubbled up at the Maryland State House Wednesday over fired federal workers.
House Republicans accused Democrats of trying to battle the federal government while debating a bill that would provide the attorney general an additional $1.5 million to sue Trump's administration on behalf of the fired federal workers.
'We cannot overcome the federal government,' said House Minority Leader Jason Buckel, an Allegany County Republican. 'You are not going to stop the federal government through the operations of a state of six million people.'
House Majority Whip Jazz Lewis, a Prince George's County Democrat, said the legislation is not about dictating or responding to what happens in Washington, D.C. Its ultimate purpose, he said, is to stand up to protect federal workers. Lewis criticized Republicans in the chamber for not publicly doing the same.
'I have not heard you all stand up once to talk about how you are going to stand up for the workers in your districts — particularly the federal ones,' he said.
Because of its proximity to Washington, Maryland is uniquely impacted by mass layoffs at federal agencies being implemented by Trump's Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE. In 2023, nearly 160,000 state residents worked for the federal government.
Buckel said that if lawmakers want to engage in 'lengthy, partisan' debates about national politics, then 'we'll be here every day.'
'Pack a lunch, pack a dinner, pack a midnight snack,' he said. 'I appreciate my friend, but when he says, 'We're here, we're going to protect our people,' why are our people only federal government workers?'
The Protect Our Federal Workers Act, sponsored by Lewis, would create the Federal Government Employee Assistance Loan Fund to provide money to Maryland residents who worked for the federal government but were terminated by the Trump administration during the ongoing waves of mass firings.
The legislation would allow money in Maryland's Catastrophic Event Account and Federal Government Shutdown Employee Assistance Loan Fund to provide six months of no-interest loans to federal employees who live in Maryland and aren't being paid due to a full or partial government shutdown. It would also help those who left their jobs because of the voluntary incentive payment program or were let go due to closures, relocations or mass layoffs at federal government agencies.
The bill was amended in the House Appropriations Committee to allow Attorney General Anthony Brown, a Democrat, to sue the Trump administration on behalf of terminated federal employees. An additional $1.5 million would also be allocated in the state budget to the attorney general's office to carry out lawsuits against the federal government.
Buckel unsuccessfully attempted to strip the $1.5 million from the bill and remove the attorney general's ability to sue the Trump administration on behalf of employees, whom he called 'private individuals who lost their job because of a policy decision or a budgetary decision.'
The attorney general litigates cases on behalf of the state of Maryland.
'The state doesn't have the right to enforce the employment and labor laws of the federal government on behalf of private individuals,' Buckel said. 'I'm going to bet you money … that if we do this and the attorney general brings suit, some court somewhere will say, 'Nope, you can't do that.''
Lewis said that the intent of the amended bill is to fight to protect all constituents, regardless of whether they work in the private or public sector. He said that the amendment would 'neuter' the bill, which empowers the attorney general to take on these cases because a significant portion of Maryland's economy is wrapped up in the federal workforce.
'We are fighting on our front foot,' he said. 'What this amendment does is it says Maryland is going to fight with our arms behind our back.'
Del. Chris Adams, a Republican representing the Lower Eastern Shore, disagreed with Lewis and called the bill 'reactionary.'
Maryland's current budget deficit is $3 billion, which Lewis said could be exacerbated by the layoffs.
Buckel said the state has become 'a ward of the federal government.'
'We are their orphan child,' he said. 'Our budgets are completely reliant — or largely reliant — upon their largesse.'
Roughly one-third of Maryland's budget is federal funding, and a significant portion of that goes to Medicaid.
Buckel also said that the federal government is a big economic driver for jurisdictions across the state because it is a 'major employer' in areas where the private sector is 'hollow.'
'Without those federal jobs, Maryland doesn't look so good,' Buckel said. 'We all want Maryland to be the best. If we had the same level of federal jobs that someone has in, say, Ohio or Oklahoma or Oregon, we would not look very good under almost any set of metrics.'
In defense of the legislation, House Appropriations Committee Chair Ben Barnes, a Democrat representing Anne Arundel and Prince George's counties, said Democrats believe Trump is taking illegal action that directly impacts Marylanders through these mass firings.
'When the federal government takes adverse actions that is illegal, that adversely affects Marylanders, you're damn right we're going to fight,' Barnes said. 'We might not beat the federal government, but we're going to fight them. And our constituents who are hurting, who are losing their jobs — not just the federal workers, but the workers who are going to have the ancillary effects of that as it flows through the budget — should know today the Maryland legislature is going to stand here and fight for you.'
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Politico
14 minutes ago
- Politico
The GOP's latest megabill casualties
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Politico
19 minutes ago
- Politico
Kweisi Mfume is pitching an old-school approach to one of House Democrats' highest-profile jobs
Frustrated by Democrats' seniority system, Kweisi Mfume fled the House three decades ago, saying he could do more to advance civil rights from the outside. Now he's back and trying to reap the benefits of seniority at a moment when many in his party are starting to openly question it. The Baltimore native last month surprised many House colleagues by entering the wide-open race to lead Democrats on the high-profile Oversight Committee, seeking to fill the spot vacated by the sudden death of Virginia Rep. Gerry Connolly. Into the void jumped a pair of young, ambitious members — Jasmine Crockett of Texas and Robert Garcia of California — as well as a close Connolly ally, Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts. And then there's Mfume, who at 76 is making no bones about this being the capstone of a long career that included stints leading the Congressional Black Caucus and the NAACP — jobs he took back in the 1990s. 'I started a long time ago when dinosaurs roamed the earth,' Mfume joked in an interview, before describing his old-school approach to legislative relations: 'The first thing you learn is how to count votes, which has never failed me yet,' he said, adding that he would be careful not to alienate colleagues 'by doing something that causes problems for them in their district.' Rather than detail a point-by-point agenda for taking on President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans, Mfume said if elected he'd convene the committee's Democrats to decide a course of action. The party, he said, can only move forward with a 'consensus.' That style stands in sharp contrast to a Democratic base that's itching for more aggressive leadership and a more visible fight with Trump — something the other candidates are clearly heeding: Garcia has tangled with the Justice Department over his criticism of Elon Musk; Crockett has broached the prospect of a Trump impeachment inquiry; and Lynch, as the panel's interim top Democrat, attempted last week to subpoena Musk during a panel hearing. The race also threatens to become a proxy fight for broader questions about age and seniority inside the Democratic Party. House Democrats ousted several aging committee leaders at the end of last Congress as they girded for a fight with the Trump administration — and many in the base were disappointed when Connolly triumphed over Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. The winner is poised to lead efforts to investigate and thwart the Trump administration if Democrats can retake the House majority next year — and ride herd on a chaotic panel that in recent months has featured intense personal attacks between lawmakers and the display of nude photos. 'It's a street fight every day,' said Rep. Lateefah Simon of California when asked about the panel and what it takes to lead it. 'It's every single day being able to expose the hypocrisy of this administration and to tell the truth.' There was a time when Mfume would have been a natural choice for such a moment. First elected to Baltimore's City Council at the age of 30, he quickly butted heads with legendary Mayor William Donald Schaefer. After longtime Rep. Parren Mitchell retired, Mfume easily won the seat in 1986 and within a few years become a national figure due to his chairmanship of the CBC. Ascending to that role just as Bill Clinton was elected to the presidency, he became an important power broker, forcing key concessions in Clinton's 1993 budget and pushing the White House to restore ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. He also clashed with Clinton at times, including over his decision to pull the nomination of prominent Black legal scholar Lani Guinier to a top Justice Department post. But after Democrats lost their House majority in 1994 — and Mfume lost a quixotic bid to enter the party leadership — he decided two years later to forgo a long climb up the seniority ladder. He instead took the helm at the Baltimore-based NAACP, a job thought to better harness his skills at organizing and oratory. Former Maryland state Sen. Jill Carter said Mfume has long had the 'it factor' and 'charisma' that matters in politics. When Carter ran against Mfume in his 2020 House comeback bid, she got a reminder of how well her rival was known in the district and beyond: 'When some of my people did exit polling, they got the response, 'Oh, we love Jill but, come on, this is Kweisi.'' What's less clear is whether Mfume's reputation in Baltimore, burnished over 45 years in the public eye, makes him the man for the moment as far as his contemporary House colleagues are concerned. He's not known as a partisan brawler, and he said in the interview he doesn't intend to become one. 'There are always going to be fights and disagreements,' he said. 'It's kind of escalated in the last few years to a level that we haven't seen before. I think the main thing is to moderate and to manage the disagreements, because you're not going to cause any of them to go away. How you manage them and how they are perceived by the overall public is what makes a difference.' Mfume is leaning heavily, in fact, on the style and reputation of the man who filled the 7th District seat for the 24 years in between his House stints — the late Rep. Elijah Cummings, who served as top Democrat and then chair of Oversight during Trump's first term and is still spoken of in reverent terms inside the caucus. Mfume concedes that Cummings might have been the better communicator — he 'had a little more preacher in him than I do' — but said they share a similar lofty approach to politics. Like Cummings, he suggested prescription drug prices might be a committee priority. What Mfume is unlikely to have is the official support of the Congressional Black Caucus, a powerful force in intracaucus politics. With two members in the race — Crockett also belongs — Mfume said he does not expect a formal CBC endorsement after an interview process Wednesday. But he still expected to draw support from the bloc — especially its more senior members. Other factors complicate Mfume's candidacy. One is age: He is a year older than Connolly was when he was elected to lead Oversight Democrats last year. For those who prize seniority, Lynch has actually spent more time on the panel. And his 2004 departure from the NAACP was marred by controversy: The Baltimore Sun reported the executive committee of the group voted not to extend his contract under threat of a sexual harassment lawsuit; the NAACP later paid the woman who complained a $100,000 settlement. Mfume strenuously denied any wrongdoing, but while the episode has not emerged as a major issue in the Oversight race, some Democrats have privately expressed reservations about elevating a leader with personal baggage to potentially lead investigations of Trump. 'There's never been one person to corroborate that one allegation — not one,' Mfume said. About the payment, he said, 'I found out about it, quite frankly, after it happened.' Much of the Democratic Caucus remains undecided ahead of the June 24 secret-ballot vote. Candidates will first go before Democrats' Steering and Policy Committee, which will make a recommendation to the full caucus. 'I think that you have a situation where Mfume and Steve Lynch are getting support from folks who put seniority at top, and maybe the other two candidates would probably lean toward members who are newer, and then you got a whole host of folks that's in the middle. And I think that's where the battle is to see where they fall,' said Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.). One younger member said he was swayed by Mfume's experience. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), who is 48 and had weighed his own bid, said that while other candidates were compelling, the Baltimorean had a 'leg up.' 'Kweisi shows me pictures of him with Nelson Mandela,' he said. 'I was like, I'm not going to run against Nelson Mandela's best friend.'
New York Times
19 minutes ago
- New York Times
Texas Governor Will Deploy National Guard to Immigration Protests
Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas said late Tuesday that he would deploy National Guard troops across the state, making him the first governor to do so as protests against the Trump administration's immigration crackdown spread across the United States. Mr. Abbott, a Republican and a vocal supporter of President Trump's immigration agenda, said on social media that he would not tolerate violence as protests are planned in San Antonio on Wednesday. The protests that began in Los Angeles last Friday against federal immigration raids have spread to more than a dozen U.S. cities, including Dallas, Austin, Houston and San Antonio. While many of the protests have been peaceful, police have clashed with demonstrators at some of them. Mr. Trump has threatened to override governors who don't want to send National Guard troops to stop protests, like the president did in California, where he sent nearly 5,000 National Guard troops and Marines over the strong objections of state leaders. That has made California ground zero for Mr. Trump's immigration agenda, which includes ramping up deportations of undocumented immigrants with the help of local law enforcement agencies and, in a rare action, active-duty military forces. Mr. Abbott's announcement said that the Texas National Guard will 'use every tool & strategy to help law enforcement maintain order.' 'Peaceful protest is legal,' he added. 'Harming a person or property is illegal & will lead to arrest.' The announcement did not specify where and when the troops will be deployed. Mr. Abbott's office, the San Antonio Police Department, the Texas National Guard and U.S. Northern Command did not immediately respond to requests for comment. On Monday night, more than a dozen protesters were arrested in Austin during a demonstration at the Texas Capitol in Austin, Mr. Abbott had said. Law enforcement officials used tear gas and pepper ball projectiles, the Texas Department of Public Safety said.
