Let justice and freedom ring for all people
As Martin Luther King Jr. climbed the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington in 1963 his objective was not to break with American history but rather to fulfil its true purpose.
On the centennial of President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, which legally 'freed' 3.5 million enslaved African Americans, he sought to realize Lincoln's vocation.
In addition, he wanted to actualize the US Constitution and its Declaration of Independence, which proclaimed 'that all men are created equal.'
Addressing more than 250,000 civil rights activists between the Lincoln Memorial and the Washington Monument, King gave a speech that touches deep inside the hearts of all humanity, inspiring us all to freedom, to mutual respect and understanding.
The case he makes is so evident and indisputable, yet discrimination against African Americans continues to this day. And they are not the only ones who suffer.
Harrowing injustices persist around the world, as people, populations, entire races, or ethnicities are designated by others as less deserving of the rights and freedoms we should all enjoy.
Most visibly today, the people of Gaza, who have already suffered injustices and deprivation for decades, are being slaughtered in front of our eyes, their homes and livelihoods razed to the ground.
The carnage and cruelty have been so overwhelming that we have almost lost hope, shamefacedly turning away and switching off our televisions simply to dull the pain.
But King reminds us that even in the darkest and most desolate valleys of injustice, hope and humanity will persist.
I have a dream that one day Tovah and Omar can join hands and walk in peace, healing the wounds of all their people and banishing hatred and discrimination from our region and the planet.
I have a dream that one day the whole world will join hands, circling and embracing the Earth and each other.
I have a dream that one day we can finally say enough is enough and truly mean it. After so much wickedness, so much death and destruction, we must all let go of our anger and hatred to build a world on the pillars of love, tolerance, coexistence and understanding.
I have a dream that one day humanity will unite for peace, for respect and for reconciliation. The intelligence we call artificial must become real, and it must guide us to a new dawn of love.
I have a dream that one day we will all understand that bombs and weapons of mass destruction are powerless and must be relegated to the dustbin of history.
We have no alternative except to live together in mutual understanding, for today our lives depend above all on preserving the planet that sustains us. Without it none of us can exist.
Now is the time to make justice and respect a reality for all God's children. Now is the time for the tears of despair to become the shining droplets of peace and love falling from the sky to spread light across the world.
Let us finally dream with our eyes open and make our dreams a reality.
In the words of Tennessee Williams voiced by a character in the 'The Night of the Iguana': 'Sometime while night obscures the tree/The zenith of its life will be/Gone past forever, and from thence/A second history will commence.'
• Hassan bin Youssef Yassin worked closely with Saudi Arabia's petroleum ministers Abdullah Tariki and Ahmed Zaki Yamani from 1959-1967. He led the Saudi Information Office in Washington from 1972-1981 and served with the Arab League's observer delegation to the UN from 1981-1983.
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Arab News
25 minutes ago
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Thousands of protesters crowd into streets, parks and plazas at anti-Trump ‘No Kings' demonstrations
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Meanwhile, ahead of an evening demonstration in Austin, Texas, law enforcement said it was investigating a credible threat against lawmakers. Intermittent light rain fell as marchers gathered for the flagship rally in Philadelphia's Love Park. They shouted 'Whose streets? Our streets!' as they marched to the Philadelphia Museum of Art, where they listened to speakers on the steps made famous in the movie 'Rocky.' 'So what do you say, Philly?' Democratic US Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland shouted to the crowd. 'Are you ready to fight back? Do you want a gangster state or do you want free speech in America?' Trump was in Washington for a military parade marking the Army's 250th anniversary that coincides with the president's birthday. There, a massive demonstration toured the city's streets, led by a banner reading, 'Trump must go now.' In Charlotte, demonstrators trying to march through downtown briefly faced off with police forming a barricade with their bicycles, chanting 'let us walk,' while law enforcement in northern Atlanta deployed tear gas to divert several hundred protesters heading toward Interstate 285. A journalist was seen being detained by officers and police helicopters flew above the crowd. In some places, organizers handed out little American flags while others flew their flags upside down, a sign of distress. Mexican flags, which have become a fixture of the Los Angeles protests against immigration raids, made an appearance at some demonstrations Saturday. Protests were planned in nearly 2,000 locations across the country, from city blocks and small towns to courthouse steps and community parks, organizers said. The 50501 Movement orchestrating the protests says it picked the 'No Kings' name to support democracy and speak out against what they call the authoritarian actions of the Trump administration. The name 50501 stands for 50 states, 50 protests, one movement. The demonstrations come on the heels of protests across the country over federal immigration enforcement raids that began last week and Trump ordering the National Guard and Marines to Los Angeles, where protesters blocked a freeway and set cars on fire. Philadelphia Thousands gathered in downtown Love Park, with organizers handing out small American flags and people carried protest signs saying 'fight oligarchy' and 'deport the mini-Mussolinis.' Karen Van Trieste, a 61-year-old nurse who drove up from Maryland, said she grew up in Philadelphia and wanted to be with a large group of people showing her support. 'I just feel like we need to defend our democracy,' she said. She is concerned about the Trump administration's layoffs of staff at the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the fate of immigrant communities and the Trump administration trying to rule by executive order, she said. A woman wearing a foam Statue of Liberty crown brought a speaker system and led an anti-Trump sing-along, changing the words 'young man' in the song 'Y.M.C.A.' to 'con man.' One man in Revolutionary War era garb and a tricorn hat held a sign with a quote often attributed to Thomas Jefferson: 'All tyranny needs to gain a foothold is for people of good conscience to remain silent.' Los Angeles Thousands gathered in front of City Hall in a boisterous crowd, waving signs and listening to a Native American drum circle and dance performances before marching through the streets. Signs included 'They fear us, don't back down California,' 'Protesting is not a crime,' 'We carry dreams not danger' and 'ICE out of LA.' Protesters staged impromptu dance parties and, on the march, passed National Guard troops or US Marines stationed at various buildings. Most interactions were friendly, with demonstrators giving fist bumps or posing for selfies, but others chanted 'shame' at the troops. One demonstrator carried a 2-foot-tall (60-centimeter) Trump pinata on a stick, with a crown on his head and sombrero hanging off his back while another hoisted a huge helium-filled orange baby balloon with blond hair styled like Trump's. North Carolina Crowds cheered anti-Trump speakers in Charlotte's First Ward Park and chanted 'we have no kings' before marching, chanting 'No kings, no crowns, we will not bow down' and 'Hey, hey, ho, ho, Donald Trump has got to go.' Marchers stretched for blocks, led by a group of people holding a giant Mexican flag and bystanders cheering and clapping for protesters along the way. Jocelyn Abarca, a 21-year-old college student, said the protest was a chance to 'speak for what's right' after mass deportations and the deployment of the National Guard to deal with protesters in Los Angeles last week. 'If we don't stop it now, it's just going to keep getting worse,' she said of the Trump administration's actions. Minnesota Before organizers canceled demonstrations in the state, Gov. Tim Walz took to social media to issue a warning after the shootings. 'Out of an abundance of caution my Department of Public Safety is recommending that people do not attend any political rallies today in Minnesota until the suspect is apprehended,' he wrote. Florida About a thousand people gathered on the grounds of Florida's old Capitol in Tallahassee, where protesters chanted, 'This is what community looks like,' and carried signs with messages like 'one nation under distress' and 'dissent is patriotic.' 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Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
Has the Russia-Ukraine conflict taken a back seat?
Nearly 150 days after returning to the Oval Office, US President Donald Trump is no closer to brokering a lasting peace between Ukraine and Russia than he was on Day 1. This was a signature issue of his campaign. He regularly criticized President Joe Biden's handling of the conflict and claimed that had he been in office, the war would never have started. Although foreign policy did not dominate the 2024 election, Trump consistently argued that only he could bring the two sides to the negotiating table and deliver results where others had failed. Upon taking office, however, he quickly discovered that the reality was more complicated. After initially promising he could achieve peace in 24 hours, almost five months later any reference to a timeline has quietly disappeared. The problem of finding a path to peace stems from several overlapping challenges. Firstly, the Trump administration is trying to address too many major foreign policy issues at once. This scattershot approach has diluted focus and prevented a sustained effort on any single objective. In addition to the pursuit of peace in Ukraine, Trump is also renegotiating major trade agreements. The deteriorating US-China relationship, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, consumes a significant share of attention. Meanwhile, the revived nuclear talks with Iran and the Israeli attack on Iran have emerged as another top-tier priority, often bumping other diplomatic efforts — such as Ukraine — down the list. Another major hurdle is the lack of internal coordination within the US government. Disjointed messaging and inconsistent policy execution have plagued the administration's approach. The Department of Defense and intelligence agencies have paused or scaled back various forms of assistance to Ukraine at different points over the past few months. Congressional pressure, especially from those Republicans who remain committed to aiding Ukraine, has helped keep support flowing but uncertainty looms. Most estimates suggest existing funding will run out by late summer. Yet the administration has offered no clear plan for what happens next. Moscow knows this and is stalling to buy time. More troubling is the apparent reluctance to exert serious pressure on Russia. In recent months, most of the diplomatic pressure has been directed at Ukraine, which has complied with nearly every US request since Trump returned to office. This lopsided approach is unsustainable. If the administration is truly committed to peace, then some of the burden must also be placed on Moscow. Perhaps the most damaging dynamic at play is the internal division within the president's own party. The Republican coalition is fractured when it comes to America's role in the world, and those divisions are spilling into the administration's foreign policy. The Republican coalition is fractured when it comes to America's role in the world. Luke Coffey One faction, small but principled, consists of Reagan-style conservatives who believe in strong American leadership abroad. They argue that support for Ukraine advances US national security by weakening one of America's top adversaries. But they are increasingly isolated within a broader conservative movement that is shifting toward skepticism, and in some cases outright hostility, toward international engagement. A second, and more vocal, faction is the isolationist wing. These conservatives view America's involvement in Ukraine as a costly distraction and argue that US interests are not at stake. They want a reduced global footprint and see aid to Ukraine as a waste of taxpayer money. Then there are the so-called 'prioritizers,' who argue that all US resources — strategic, diplomatic and military — should be redirected toward confronting China. They believe that maintaining global commitments in Europe or the Middle East undermines America's ability to face its greatest long-term challenge, in Asia. Finally, there is a fringe, but increasingly vocal, group within the party who believe that Russia should be considered a potential US partner. They argue that Washington should seek detente with Moscow as a way of counterbalancing China. Not only is this dangerously naive, it also ignores Russia's record of aggression and subversion against the West. This internal infighting is not only undermining US policy toward Ukraine, it is also creating uncertainty among other traditional American allies. These partners, who have long relied on steady and predictable US leadership, are increasingly unsure of Washington's commitment. The lack of consensus within the White House is weakening America's global credibility and making it more difficult to rally coalitions in defense of shared interests. So what can Trump do? There is no question that he wants to end the war. Beyond the humanitarian interest, he sees a successful peace deal as a way to define his legacy as the leader who brought peace to Europe when others could not. But good intentions are not enough; if he is serious, he must take concrete steps. Firstly, the White House must work with Congress to pass a strong package of sanctions that could be enacted if Russia refuses to negotiate in good faith. Secondly, there must be a contingency plan to ensure continued military and financial support to Ukraine if current funding expires. To reassure those concerned about the cost, the recently signed critical minerals agreement between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky could help finance continued US aid. Trump must also intensify his diplomatic outreach. Countries such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey, both of which have played meaningful roles in prior negotiations, could serve as conveners for future talks. The White House should actively coordinate with these actors, and others who can help bring both sides to the table. While the path to peace remains uncertain, the right strategy — one that combines pressure, incentives, and diplomacy — could get peace talks back on track. If Trump can get this right, he will not only bolster his own legacy, he could end a brutal war, bring a just and fair peace to Ukraine, reaffirm American leadership, and help bring lasting peace to the transatlantic region. • Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. X: @LukeDCoffey
Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
The enemy of my enemy could be my enemy as well
Not every proverb that sounds plausible is necessarily universally true, and 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend,' which is thought to originate from an Indian Sanskrit treatise, the Arthasastra, dating back to around the 4th century B.C., is no exception. On more than one occasion in history, the enemy of one's enemy has proved, in fact, to be one's enemy as well. I was reminded of this proverb when I learned that Israeli authorities have been arming a Palestinian militia in Gaza — as if there was not already enough weaponry there to cause horrific bloodshed — as part of their efforts to 'eliminate' Hamas. For more than a year we have repeatedly heard from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that Israel was 'a step away from victory' in this effort. This has proved to be more a case of wishful thinking than reality. Netanyahu has now publicly acknowledged that Israel is arming what it calls a 'clan' that operates in the Rafah area and is led by Yasser Abu Shabab who, according to the European Council on Foreign Affairs, is a gang leader who is widely accused of looting aid trucks, has been jailed by Hamas for drug smuggling, and 'has alleged ties' with Daesh. Not your ordinary guy who you would want to mix with, then. His group consists of anything from 100 to 250 armed men, and is somewhere between a militia and a criminal gang — most probably both. To find an ally in times of conflict is to gain an asset, and to divide and rule is another war tactic known since the dawn of history. But if allies are not selected carefully, the long-term unintended consequences can be worse than the immediate supposed benefits. The Soviet Union was hardly a friend of the West after the Second World War, but the US decision to arm the mujahideen when the Russians invaded Afghanistan came back to haunt Washington, for example. Similarly, Israel's support of Hamas in its early days, as a counter to Fatah, and continuing to do so until the disastrous consequences of this manifested themselves on Oct. 7, 2023, was an act of sheer self-harm. Why they would now repeat that mistake with a similar folly is incomprehensible. Netanyahu did not hide his true intentions when asked about arming Abu Shabab's group. He said: 'We have mobilized clans in Gaza that oppose Hamas. What's wrong with that?' The answer to his question is: Where do we start? Netanyahu's interpretation of 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend' reveals ignorance and an extreme lack of judgment, possibly signs of desperation, and the air of a colonialist approach. He is confusing the concept of a clan with what is simply a band of criminals, wrongly equating the latter with legitimate local leaders who represent the best interests of their people — alliances that have been a method of maintaining control that occupying forces have employed for centuries. But forging an alliance with legitimate local leaders is very different from being in cahoots with those who for months have been accused by Palestinians and international humanitarian organizations of looting aid lorries and profiting from the misery of their own people. In their inability to achieve the unrealistic goal of eliminating Hamas, Israeli authorities are instead coming up with ideas that are detached from reality. In this case they are looking for allies that appear uninterested in helping to fulfill the national aspirations of the Palestinian people and instead are more interested in enriching themselves, and possibly gaining political power. Netanyahu has now publicly acknowledged that Israel is arming Yasser Abu Shabab, a gang leader who is widely accused of looting aid trucks. Yossi Mekelberg It is obvious why Israel opposes Hamas remaining in control of Gaza. But the organization has said — though the claim has yet to be tested — it is prepared to hand over governance of the territory to any Palestinian organization that is agreed upon nationally and regionally. However, it insists it will not disband, and so a formula is required to ensure the organization does not pose a threat to Israeli security or Palestinian unity. Netanyahu also rejects postwar Palestinian Authority governance of Gaza, having declared this year that 'the day after the war in Gaza, neither Hamas nor the Palestinian Authority will be there.' This approach raises the suspicion that by supporting armed militias, Israel is deliberately becoming an agent of chaos whose goal is not necessarily to defeat Hamas but to prolong the war indefinitely, thus helping to ensure Netanyahu's government remains in power, at least until next year's general election. In recent weeks, we have seen demonstrations of spontaneous popular opposition to Hamas, despite a brutal crackdown on such dissent by the organization, with hundreds of demonstrators calling for it to be ousted and the war to end. Considering the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza — recently described during an interview with the BBC by International Committee of the Red Cross President Mirjana Spoljaric as 'worse than hell on Earth' — it is only to be expected that ordinary Gazans, who for nearly two years have been enduring such a hellish situation, would vent their anger against both Israel and Hamas. But the engagement by Israel with clans and militias, and even gangs, has nothing to do with trying to alleviate the suffering of the 2.3 million people of Gaza; it is all about creating a force to counter Hamas, and to undermine the Palestinian Authority and also the Palestine Liberation Organization's position as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. While some clans in Gaza were approached last year with the aim of creating an opposition to Hamas, the Abu Shabab gang is not regarded as a clan but calls itself, according to media reports, an 'antiterror service,' with no clear aims or indication of who it serves. If this is truly the case, Israel is creating a monster that will take a long time to contain once it is let loose, as we have seen with similar situations in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. And it will pose a threat, first and foremost, to Israel itself. When countries embark on risky experiments of this kind with nonstate actors, they toy with the idea that they will always be able to control and even disarm them when they have outlived their usefulness. History shows us that in many cases, such groups develop their own sets of interests and revenue streams, not to mention coalitions with like-minded armed groups, sometimes even those they were initially supposed to contain. Meanwhile the country that initially sponsored them tends to lose control of them. Worse still for Israel, since Abu Shabab is depicted on social media in Gaza as 'the Israeli agent' — in other words a traitor, which in the middle of a bitter war is as good as putting a bounty on his head — he has an incentive either to eventually join forces with Hamas, or simply turn on Israel using the weapons it put in his hands. This might be the right time for the Netanyahu government to recognize that there are better ways to undermine extremism and fundamentalism than encouraging civil war. In this case, they begin with ending the killing of innocent civilians, allowing humanitarian aid to reach those that so desperately need it, and then recognizing the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. It would be well worth checking this alternative path in place of the one Israel is on. • Yossi Mekelberg is a professor of international relations and an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. X: @YMekelberg
