More than 200 civilians killed after Sudan's RSF captured al-Nohood city
Those killed, who were accused of inspecific violations and of unfounded charges, include a well-known Islamist preacher, dean of the Computer Sciences Faculty in the University of West Kordofan and the Director General of the Judicial Police.
Al-Nohood: Altaghyeer
At least 200 civilians have been killed in al-Nohood, West Kordofan State, by Sudan's Rapid Support Forces (RSF) when it captured the city on Thursday following violent clashes with the Sudanese Armed Forces and it's allied forces who withdrew to al-Khweiy city, to the east, sources told Altaghyeer on Friday.
Those killed, who were accused of inspecific violations and of unfounded charges, include a well-known Islamist preacher, dean of the Computer Sciences Faculty in the University of West Kordofan end his brother, Director General of the Judicial Police and his wife.
The RSF has committed wide scale looting of public and private properties including in the main market, government institutions, Reserve Forces building, banks, cars and houses.
Meanwhile, six members of the city's Emergency Response Room have been taken away by the RSF and moved to unknown detention, West Kordofan Emergency Response Room said in a statement on Facebook.
The Room explained that al-Nohood is now hosting more than 45,000 displaced people in addition to the city's original population a matter that exasperates the humanitarian situation and increses fears for civilians safety.
Al-Nohood has a strategic importance for its geographical location as it links many states in Darfur and Kordofan regions making it a main crossing point for commercial and military activities.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Al Taghyeer
23-05-2025
- Al Taghyeer
Sudan's Shadow Economy: The Hidden Alliances Funding War and Suppressing Civilian Transition
Sudan's Shadow Economy: The Hidden Alliances Funding War and Suppressing Civilian Transition By: Omer Sidahmed May 2025 From State Economy to Loot Economy Sudan's shadow economy didn't arise in a vacuum. It wasn't formed on the margins of the state — it emerged from its very core. Over decades, it became a central tool in the hands of a militarized system comprising the army, intelligence agencies, and militias. These forces forged alliances with Islamist political networks to entrench control over the state and society. With the eruption of the revolution and then the outbreak of war, the true nature of this economy became clear: not just a source of illicit wealth, but a fuel for conflict, a platform for distorting public consciousness, and a shield protecting power networks from collapse. An Economy Without — and Against — the State Sudan's shadow economy has evolved beyond the traditional definition of informal activities. It is now a structured system operating outside the state, financing, smuggling, exporting, and militarizing with no oversight or accountability. It manifests in the smuggling of gold from conflict zones via armed and politically protected routes across borders, in currency trading that sustains the parallel market outside the banking system, and in a web of foreign trade activities managed by a small elite tied to security apparatuses. These include fuel import companies shielded by the remnants of the former regime, as well as informal financial transfers that sustain the war economy. Estimates suggest that between 50% and 80% of Sudan's gold production is smuggled out of official channels. The country's gold smuggling losses over the past decade are estimated at no less than $23 billion — and possibly as high as $36.8 billion. These numbers highlight the catastrophic economic impact of the shadow economy, and how gold has shifted from a national resource to a secret source of war funding and elite enrichment. From Sanctions to Domination: The Birth of a Hidden Alliance During the years of U.S. sanctions, alternative networks for trade and finance emerged, led by businessmen and security-linked institutions aligned with the regime. Instead of addressing the crisis through national alternatives, the state opened the market to a parasitic class that thrived in the shadows, becoming the economic arm of the ruling power. Even after sanctions were lifted in 2020, this structure was not dismantled — it deepened. Following the October 25 coup, these networks reasserted control over markets and resources, initiating a new phase: converting the shadow economy into a direct war-financing mechanism. Rentierism: The Structural Foundation of the Shadow Economy One of the deep-rooted causes behind the swelling of Sudan's shadow economy is the dominance of a rentier economy — the prevailing model since independence. Sudan has historically relied on raw material exports with no added value: from cotton and oilseeds in the 1960s and 70s, to oil in the 2000s, and finally to gold after South Sudan's secession in 2011. This dependency has left the country vulnerable to external markets and lacking an independent domestic production base. Under authoritarian regimes and institutional corruption, the revenues from these resources were not invested in sustainable development. Instead, they were redistributed through patronage networks favoring ruling elites and security agencies. Rather than being a driver for development, the rentier model became a breeding ground for the shadow economy. Crucially, this economy did not emerge from the peripheries, as often assumed — it was born and nurtured in the center, within state institutions themselves, with complicity from the ruling elite. It became a tool for unofficial financing and consolidating political and military power. In this way, rentierism fused with corruption and militarization to create a parallel economy — not based on production, but on looting, not governed by law, but shielded by it. Arms and Narcotics Trade: The Forbidden Face of the Shadow Economy One of the most dangerous aspects of the shadow economy is the involvement of the ruling system in arms and narcotics trafficking. During the Al-Ingaz regime, documented reports from media and social platforms revealed incidents of 'drug containers' arriving in or passing through Sudan under the protection or complicity of security agencies. Though hidden from public view, this trade became a covert funding source for war, a tool for militia recruitment, and a means of money laundering that expanded the influence of power centers. A Funded War on Awareness: Media as a Weapon Against Civilian Rule The shadow economy doesn't just fund weapons; it also fuels a war for control over public consciousness. This media campaign is managed from hubs outside Sudan — in capitals such as Cairo, Istanbul, Dubai, and Doha — led by media figures from the former regime and affiliated ideological-security networks. These groups produce funded content on social media that justifies the war, demonizes revolutionary forces, rallies public opinion against civilian transition, and promotes the continuation of a war that has displaced millions, killed thousands, and devastated the country. The objective isn't only to suppress armed revolution, but to assassinate the very idea of a civilian state. Democracy is portrayed as a threat to stability, while military rule is presented as the only option for national unity — a blatant embodiment of state and societal militarization. Dismantling the System: Not Administrative Reform, But a Long-Term Struggle The dismantling of Sudan's shadow economy cannot be viewed as an administrative or legal procedure — especially in the context of an open war, institutional collapse, and military control over economic lifelines. This system won't fall through decisive victory alone, but through the erosion of its absolute control, when cracks begin to show in the regime's security and economic structure. Despite the militarization of daily life, civilian action must not be paralyzed or surrender to the status quo. The path forward lies in working within the war, not on its margins, to develop a realistic and radical transition project. This begins with fostering new public awareness that exposes the structural link between arms and wealth, and places the shadow economy under popular and international scrutiny. This effort requires close monitoring of the parallel market and analysis of its mechanisms, paving the way for fair economic policies and legislation that reorganize the market and dismantle smuggling monopolies. Crimes such as trafficking, narcotics trade, and gold theft must be documented and transformed into legal and media files that can be pursued, not merely retold. At the same time, independent and community-based media must rise as a front of resistance, countering the disinformation produced abroad and challenging the official narratives that justify war and vilify civilian transition. This media confrontation is not a luxury — it's essential for building a coherent, resistant public opinion. Finally, any attempt at transformation must include building flexible and realistic civilian alliances that propose a national alternative project. This project must redefine the state, sever the link between power and wealth, and shift economic control from militias back to the community. This is not a ready-made plan — it's an open front that requires daily effort and initiative from within the cracks war has created, not in waiting for its end. Working Amid War: No Time to Wait Despite the militarized reality and escalating conflict, this should not be an excuse for inaction or surrender to the status quo. On the contrary, the need now is to work from within the war — within its cracks — to lay the groundwork for a true civilian transformation. In a context like Sudan, change doesn't wait for victory — it is built inside the struggle itself, through realistic, deliberate steps rooted in public action and collective will. Tools for Change: From Awareness to Organization This path requires new tools and the creation of a critical public consciousness that understands the battle is not just military or political — but economic and cultural too. It begins by exposing the economic foundations of the armed system and highlighting the structural link between weapons and wealth. This enables internal and external pressure on power centers. Monitoring the parallel market and understanding its mechanisms is key for a future confrontation using just policies that dismantle shadow monopolies and restore the economy to the public. Equally important is the documentation of crimes like smuggling, drug trafficking, and gold looting — vital for building legal and media cases that can be pursued in future moments of accountability. On the media front, alternative, independent, and community media must be supported to counter the misinformation spread from foreign media rooms and to promote a resistance narrative based on the revolution, not the war machine. In parallel, civilian alliances must be built — realistic and resilient — offering a political and economic alternative that redefines the state-society-resource relationship and breaks the link between authority and plunder. An Open Front: A Beginning, Not an End What we face today is not a passing political crisis but a historic moment requiring a complete redefinition of the national project. This is not a finished blueprint, but an open front for gradual transformation — built not from outside collapse, but from within it. The true challenge is not waiting for war to end, but using the fractures it created to fuel civil resistance and spark new beginnings — toward a democratic, civilian, just, and salvaging state that reflects the people's aspirations, not the interests of entrenched elites. References 1. 1. Global Witness (2019). 'The Ones Left Behind: Sudan's Secret Gold Empire.' 2. 2. International Crisis Group (2022). 'The Militarization of Sudan's Economy.' 3. 3. Human Rights Watch (2020). 'Entrenched Impunity: Gold Mining and the Darfur Conflict.' 4. 4. United Nations Panel of Experts on the Sudan (2020–2023). Reports to the Security Council. 5. 5. BBC Arabic & Al Jazeera Investigations (2021–2023). Coverage of Sudan's illicit trade and media operations. 6. 6. Radio Dabanga (2015–2023). Reports on drug trafficking and corruption during Al-Ingaz regime. 7. 7. Sudan Tribune (2020). 'Forex crisis and informal currency trading in Sudan.'
Al Taghyeer
13-05-2025
- Al Taghyeer
International Refugee Organization Expresses Grave Concern Over Civilians in North Darfur
The International Refugee Organization has voiced its profound concern regarding the attacks on civilians and the mass displacement occurring in North Darfur State, within the Darfur region of western Sudan. Change – Agencies Partners of the International Refugee Organization on the Chadian-Sudanese border report that thousands of civilians are fleeing the violence perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), arriving in dire conditions that threaten their lives. Humanitarian organizations, already strained by two years of civil war, lack the necessary resources to mount an adequate response. According to a statement attributed to Daniel P. Sullivan, the International Refugee Organization's Africa, Asia, and Middle East Director, published on the organization's official platform, a humanitarian worker on the Sudanese-Chadian border described the crisis as 'among the worst I have witnessed in my career,' emphasizing that the RSF must cease their attacks, and the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump and regional partners must take urgent action to avert the worst. Over the recent period, the RSF has launched attacks on El Fasher – the last area controlled by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and their allies in Darfur – and surrounding areas, including the Abu Shouk and Zamzam camps for displaced persons. Hundreds of civilians have been killed, and hundreds of thousands displaced amid reports of widespread ethnically motivated attacks, including sexual violence. Thousands are reaching Sudan's border with Chad, many having traveled for 15 to 20 days after repeated displacements, with numerous individuals perishing en route due to thirst or being killed by armed groups after becoming separated from larger groups. United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations are reportedly facing a severe shortage of essential supplies, including food, water, medicine, and plastic sheeting needed for assistance. The Trump administration's freezing of aid has already had a devastating impact on Sudanese refugees in Chad, who are currently struggling to access basic food, water, and healthcare. With a new wave of refugees fleeing the fighting, the International Refugee Organization believes that Chad must open its borders, and the Trump administration must immediately reverse course and work, alongside other donors, to increase humanitarian aid to Chad and within Darfur to save lives. The latest fighting unfolds against a backdrop of atrocities in other parts of Sudan, including extrajudicial killings by both the RSF and the SAF in Khartoum, and the killing of civilians by the RSF in West Kordofan. The international organization stressed the urgent need for diplomatic leadership from the United States and regional partners to pressure the RSF and the SAF to halt their attacks on civilian areas and allow humanitarian access. External actors, particularly the United Arab Emirates, which supports the RSF with weapons and diplomatic backing, must use their material influence to stop these atrocities.
Al Taghyeer
03-05-2025
- Al Taghyeer
Sudanese women journalists: systematic targeting and a heavy price in wartime
Sudan Media Forum Khartoum, May 3, 2025 (Mashawir) – Sudanese women journalists have paid a heavy price concerning their lives, security and livelihoods over the two years of war raging between the army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) since April 2023. Women media workers have faced regular threats, and press freedom has vanished amid interference and obstruction from both warring parties. Both sides have also disregarded International Humanitarian Law (IHL) provisions meant to protect journalists' ability to work and move freely during conflict, which serve as a key defense against severe civilian abuses As a result of these conditions, women journalists have faced intimidation in several regions and cities. Last April, authorities in Kassala state, eastern Sudan, arrested journalist Imtithal Abd Al-Fadil for three days and prevented her from traveling abroad, in a flagrant violation of press freedom guaranteed by the constitution, laws, and international treaties. Incidents and violations According to the Sudanese Journalists Syndicate, five women journalists have been assassinated since the war began. There have been four documented cases of physical assault or injury involving women journalists, and 11 women journalists have been victims of shootings. Meanwhile, 12 women journalists have been arrested without clear legal orders, often due to their journalistic work or writings critical of the authorities, the army, or the RSF. Continuous deterioration In this context, Iman Fadl Al-Sayed, Freedoms Secretary at the Sudanese Journalists Syndicate, explained that 'the conditions for women journalists have been continuously deteriorating since the war broke out. The suffering takes various forms, from the shutdown of institutions to direct targeting, leading to weakened media coverage of the war.' She noted a lack of war correspondents in Sudanese newspapers and radio stations due to limited experience and training for working in armed conflict situations, and that 'international satellite channel correspondents have failed to adequately convey the scale of events, despite huge civilian casualties and a worsening humanitarian crisis where famine has reached critical levels, meaning hunger leading to death.' She added, 'Social media platforms are subject to the whims of individuals or groups with conflicting interests.' She pointed out that 'media outlets aligned with the warring parties now dominate and control information, rejecting neutral or professional reporting, or reliable sources that convey the facts of the war, due to their desire to reflect each party's specific viewpoints to reach public opinion while ensuring no opposing public opinion is formed against them.' Fadl Al-Sayed noted that '1,000 male and female journalists have stopped working, hundreds have opted to migrate to neighboring countries, and others have lost their property and basic rights enshrined in international covenants, such as the right to housing, work, and a dignified life.' The Freedoms Secretary considered that 'the war conditions have cast a shadow over the ability of women journalists to move around and contact sources to obtain information and news, especially with both sides of the conflict targeting women journalists and restricting their movement and activities. With the increasing polarization imposed by the reality of war, their commitment to professional values and rules of neutrality, objectivity, and integrity has significantly declined.' Urgent measures On the same note, Sudanese journalist Samar Suleiman told the Mashawir platform that 'during the war, women journalists have been subjected to various types of systematic attacks aimed at silencing them and preventing them from reporting facts and covering events. Both sides of the conflict also exert significant pressure on women journalists, including threats of death and physical liquidation [elimination], as well as confiscation of equipment and closure of media institutions.' She added, 'Faced with these grave violations, there is an urgent need to establish effective mechanisms to protect women journalists and provide the necessary guarantees for them to carry out their work freely and safely. This requires obliging the Sudanese Army and RSF to apply international laws, foremost among them the Geneva Conventions and international human rights law (IHRL), as well as investigating violations against women journalists, bringing those responsible to justice, and ending impunity.' Suleiman explained that 'women journalists affected by the war need psychological and social support (psychosocial support) to help them overcome the trauma resulting from the violations. Additionally, urgent measures must be taken by online newspapers to ensure a safe working environment for women journalists, including providing protective equipment and safety training.' She pointed out that 'the increasing rates of violations against women journalists pose a serious threat to press freedom and human rights, hindering the reporting of facts and coverage of events. Addressing these violations requires the concerted efforts of the international community, both sides of the conflict, and civil society organizations to establish effective protection mechanisms for women journalists and ensure accountability for perpetrators.' This news report was prepared by Mashawire and published via the platforms of Sudan Media Forum member organizations on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day to shed light on the situation of journalism and journalists in Sudan. #StandWithSudan
