
Gaza Journalist Fadi al-Wahidi Avoided Israel's 'Red' Zone. Israel Shot Him Anyway.
Support Us
© THE INTERCEPT
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Al Jazeera cameraman Fadi al-Wahidi is carried to the hospital after being shot in an Israeli attack on Jabalia, Gaza Strip, on Oct. 9, 2024. Photo: Hamza Z. H. Qraiqea/Anadolu via Getty
In partnership with
This investigation, conducted by Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism, is part of the Gaza Project, a collaboration involving over 40 journalists from 12 organizations coordinated by Forbidden Stories.
The image of Al Jazeera cameraman Fadi al-Wahidi lying motionless on the pavement quickly spread among journalists in Gaza. His press vest is visible but it turned out to be useless; he was shot in the neck, just above the flak jacket.
It was October 9, 2024, and al-Wahidi had been reporting on the displacement of Palestinian families in Jabalia in the northern Gaza. The al-Saftawi neighborhood, where he was working, had been designated by the Israeli military as a 'yellow' zone, outside of the 'red' evacuation area.
In video footage of that day, gunfire erupts. Moments later, al-Wahidi lies on the ground, unmoving. His colleagues are unable to reach him immediately for fear of being shot themselves.
The image of al-Wahidi lying motionless recalled the lifeless body of Shireen Abu Akleh, the Palestinian American journalist who was killed by the Israeli military in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin in May 2022 — another journalist in a press vest, shot while reporting.
'Fadi, Fadi, Fadi is injured!' Imam Bader, a journalist on the scene that day, shouts in one video, his voice thick with anguish.
'Fadi, do you hear me? Move if you can,' he calls out, crouching behind a white car near where al-Wahidi lay. 'Oh God, oh God!'
Islam Bader, a journalist with Al Araby TV, was across the street.
'We felt like the gunfire was right over our heads,' he said. 'The bullets didn't stop. They were chasing us. But in that moment, you can't look around, you can't tell what's happening. I crossed the street, and suddenly I heard the guys shouting, 'Fadi, Fadi!' I was trying to make sense of what was going on, and they said Fadi had fallen.'
Six journalists, including al-Wahidi, said in interviews that they were directly targeted despite standing in broad daylight, wearing press vests, and reporting from a 'yellow' zone. Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism, The Intercept, and their partners geolocated the position of the journalists that day, confirming they were approximately 650 meters outside the evacuation zone. In several videos, the flak jackets are clearly marked 'PRESS.'
'We were shot at directly,' al-Wahidi said from his hospital bed in Gaza, before his evacuation from the Strip. 'Even now in my ears, the bullets are bouncing off the door next to me, into the walls next to me.'
'We were fully identifiable as journalists,' said Mohammed Shaheen, a journalist for Al Jazeera Mubasher, who was also there that day. 'The gunfire was aimed directly at us.'
A video taken by al-Wahidi himself — obtained by ARIJ, The Intercept, and their partners but never posted online — captured the last 16 seconds before he was hit. He's running, filming in selfie mode, when the screen jolts and the video cuts off.
Al-Wahidi and his colleagues weren't the only journalists attacked in Jabalia that day. A kilometer way, about half an hour earlier, Mohammed al-Tanani, a cameraman for Al Aqsa TV, was killed in an airstrike. Tamer Lubbad, the channel's correspondent, was injured in the same attack. They, too, were in the 'yellow' zone designated by the Israeli military, according to Lubbad.
'It's clear to everyone that we are journalists,' Lubbard said, noting that they were wearing press gear. 'We were targeted.'
Only three days earlier in Jabalia, 19-year-old journalist Hassan Hamad became the youngest reporter killed by Israeli forces during the war in Gaza. Five journalists, including al-Wahidi, said they were directly fired at by a 'quadcopter' drone, despite wearing press vests and reporting in the daylight from a safe zone.
Geolocation shows al-Wahidi and his colleagues were outside the 'red' evacuation area, in the 'yellow' zone designated by the Israeli military the day before the attack.
Based on forensic analysis, experts and doctors believe the bullet that struck al-Wahidi's neck was a high-velocity round, likely fired from above.
Despite numerous witness accounts, the use of sniper drones in Gaza remains unverified through video or photos, though Israel possesses the technology.
The Israeli military has not responded to questions about al-Wahidi's case but said it does not target journalists.
The Committee to Protect Journalists, or CPJ, has said the war in Gaza is the deadliest conflict for journalists the organization has ever documented. At least 165 Palestinian journalists have been killed since October 2023, according to the organization. Other groups, like the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, put the number of Palestinian journalists killed in Gaza at above 200. The death toll of the 18-month war now exceeds the number of journalists of any nationality killed during World War II, which lasted six years.
The precise number of journalists wounded since the start of the war remains unclear. CPJ puts the figure at 59, though the true number is likely higher due to challenges in documentation.
Journalists in Gaza have long said they were being targeted by Israeli forces. Since October 2023, Reporters Without Borders has filed four complaints with the International Criminal Court accusing Israel of committing war crimes against journalists. The organization says it has 'reasonable grounds to believe that some of these journalists were deliberately killed.'
The Israeli military has repeatedly denied targeting journalists, including in a statement to the consortium for this story, but has also accused some of the journalists of having connections to militant groups, without providing substantiated evidence.
The Israeli military did not respond to specific questions about al-Wahidi's case, but a spokesperson said military officials 'outright reject the allegation of a systemic attack on journalists.' The spokesperson said they cannot address 'operational directives and regulations as they are classified' but added that commanders adhere to law of armed conflict.
Irene Khan, the United Nations special rapporteur on freedom of expression, has documented cases of journalists who said they were targeted.
'There have been clearly cases,' she said, 'where I have taken testimony from journalists who were injured, perhaps, or those who were around in that area where it's very clear that they were targeted.'
'I was filming a report for my colleague Anas al-Sharif,' al-Wahidi recalled of the moments before the attack. 'We were surprised by a drone [that] appeared and fired directly at us.'
The six journalists interviewed all said they were fired on by Israeli drones — what Palestinians in Gaza commonly refer to as a 'quadcopter,' referring to four rotors, but used as a catchall for drones that carry firearms.
Shaheen, the Al Jazeera Mubasher journalist, said that when the quadcopter fires, 'it's precise, not random. The gunfire hit exactly where the journalists were standing.'
Read our complete coverage
The existence of sniper drone technology is well-documented, and Israel has been developing it since at least 2017. Yet, despite widespread accounts of attacks from people in Gaza and witnesses to their aftermath, no visual or photographic evidence of the weapon has emerged. (The Israeli military did not respond to the consortium's questions about whether sniper drones were being used in Gaza.)
James Patton Rogers, a drone expert at Cornell University, said the technology exists and will likely be deployed in the future but emphasized that without footage, he cannot confirm its use in Gaza
The Palestinian journalists, for their part, don't need to wait for confirmation.
'We lived through it, we didn't just see it,' said Shaheen.
'No one dares to raise a camera, as you never know where it might strike next,' said Islam Bader, who is certain the journalists were fired on by a drone. 'Without a shadow of a doubt, it came from a quadcopter.'
The journalists said they have learned to distinguish between the constant hum of surveillance drones, which they have grown accustomed to, and the sharper, unique reports of firing 'quadcopters.'
'The sound of the drone's fire is distinct,' said Imam Bader, 'and the shots and the sound of the gunfire comes from above.'
ARIJ, The Intercept, and their partners obtained and reviewed multiple medical reports detailing the devastating impact of the bullet that struck al-Wahidi.
The two surgeons who operated on the journalist in Gaza — a vascular surgeon and a neurosurgeon — said a single bullet entered from the front-left side of his neck, just above his vest, and exited at a lower point in the back, near the upper vertebrae of his spinal cord, damaging them as it passed through.
Jinan Khatib, a forensic expert accredited by the Lebanese Ministry of Justice, reviewed CT scans and photos of al-Wahidi's wounds and told the consortium that one could 'reasonably conclude that the bullet was fired from a higher level in relation to the victim.'
Dr. Ghassan Abu Sitta, a professor of conflict medicine at the American University of Beirut, who was in Gaza during the early months of the war, also reviewed the images and reports.
'The injury is consistent with a high-velocity gunshot wound,' he concluded. 'The bullet was fired from above, because the entry point is higher in the neck than the area of damage in the spine, so it's a downward trajectory of the bullet.'
Islam Bader was the first to reach al-Wahidi after he was shot. Journalists at the scene carried him to the car and rushed to the Baptist Hospital in Gaza. Al-Tanani and Lubbad, the other journalists killed and injured in Jabalaia that day, were brought to the same hospital.
Al-Wahidi suffered severe injuries. The spinal injury left him unable to move his lower body. Two surgeries stabilized him, but Gaza's health care system, which is damaged by repeated Israeli attacks on hospitals, lacked the resources for his treatment. Medical supplies were running low, and hospitals were overwhelmed. He needed to be evacuated.
Israel refused, citing security concerns, but the calls for his evacuation grew. U.N. human rights officials issued a joint statement demanding his immediate transfer.
'Israel has an obligation under international law to facilitate that right,' they wrote.
The Israeli Ministry of Defense unit responsible for civilian life in the Occupied Territories denied the request, according to the statement. (The Ministry of Defense did not respond to requests for comment.)
Al-Wahidi was only allowed to leave after a ceasefire was brokered. On February 8, 2025 — 122 days after he was shot — he traveled to Egypt.
It's unclear what about al-Wahidi's status — or the purported security threat he posed — had changed. Al Jazeera cameraman Fadi Al-Wahidi receives treatment at a hospital in Cairo, Egypt, on Feb. 10, 2025, months after being shot by Israeli forces while covering events in the northern Gaza Strip. Photo:For weeks after the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas took effect in January, no journalists in Gaza were killed. On March 15, however, while the ceasefire was still in effect, at least seven people, including at least two journalists, were killed in two Israeli strikes in Beit Lahia.
Israel took credit for the killings and accused the journalists, without evidence, of being members of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. (The Israeli military declined a request for more information.)
Just two nights later, on March 18, Israel launched a wave of airstrikes across Gaza, killing more than 400 people in a single night and effectively ending the ceasefire. On March 24, two journalists were killed within hours: Palestine Today correspondent Mohammed Mansour and Al Jazeera Mubasher correspondent Hossam Shabat. As the war returned in full force, journalists once again fear for their lives.
Al-Wahidi turned 25 last January. As a result of his injuries, he said, he feels like his hands have electric currents running through them; it keeps him up at night.
'The painkillers don't work,' he says, his voice frail.
In photos from his hospital beds in Gaza, Cairo, and now Doha, however, al-Wahidi is almost always smiling — a smile that belies the way a single bullet permanently reshaped his life.
'Since the injury, I can't walk. I can't do anything,' he said. 'And that's been my reality. I hope that I can walk again, so I can go back to planning the future I was dreaming of.'
With additional reporting from Zarifa Abou Qoura of ARIJ; Anouk Aflalo Doré, Frédéric Métézeau, Mariana Abreu, Youssr Youssef, and Samer Shalabi of Forbidden Stories; Nicolás Pablo Grone, Yassin Musharbash, and Luisa Hommerich of Die Zeit; and Carlos Gonzales of Bellingcat. Join The Conversation
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


American Military News
29 minutes ago
- American Military News
New bill introduced on D-Day anniversary would ‘strengthen' US, UK partnership
A new bill introduced by a Republican congressman on the 81st anniversary of D-Day would allow the United States to share military technology with the United Kingdom. On Friday, Rep. Mark Green (R-Tenn.) announced in a press release that he had reintroduced the Special Relationship Military Improvement Act of 2025 to strengthen the country's relationship with the United Kingdom on the 81st anniversary of D-Day. 'Our nation can never forget the sacrifice of thousands of Allied soldiers who lost their lives on D-Day and the invasion of Normandy. The price they paid ensured that millions could live free from tyranny,' Green said. 'And the best way to commemorate this momentous day is to strengthen our partnership with the United Kingdom—and that's exactly what this bill does.' In Friday's press release, the Republican congressman explained that advancements in military technology currently become the 'exclusive property' of the United States when sold to the federal government under the rules established by the International Traffic in Arms Regulations. Green said that while Canada is provided exemptions under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, the United Kingdom is not provided exemptions. READ MORE: D-Day hero receiving medals for saving 200 lives If the Special Relationship Military Improvement Act of 2025 was passed, it would implement a change to the Arms Export Control Act to allow military technology to be shared between the United States and the United Kingdom. In Friday's press release, Green said advancements in U.S. military technology 'should be available to our allies' and that sharing military technology with allies was 'common sense.' Green explained, 'The U.S. and the U.K. work together in almost every aspect to share intelligence, fight terrorism around the globe, and ensure that, through our combined military strength, the world can enjoy unprecedented peace.' In a statement to Fox News on Friday, Green said, 'On the beaches of Normandy, it was British soldiers who ran in the sand alongside Americans.' He added, 'When we were attacked on 9/11, it was the United Kingdom that sent soldiers into Afghanistan to help us destroy al-Qaeda and the Taliban that gave them safe haven.' Green emphasized that the United States will 'never forget' the friendship it shares with the United Kingdom. The Republican congressman added that sharing military technology is 'crucial' in the face of increasing threats across the globe.


Atlantic
an hour ago
- Atlantic
This Gaza Relief Effort Was Doomed to Fail
The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is presiding over an unmitigated disaster, and everything about the U.S.- and Israel-backed group's failure was entirely predictable. After lifting a blockade on relief supplies to the Gaza Strip, Israeli authorities tapped GHF, which is barely months old, as the principal aid-delivery system for starving Palestinian residents. Since its operations began last week, dozens of civilians have been killed by gunfire while seeking to access the food-distribution centers. At least twice this week, GHF suspended its relief efforts in an attempt to improve security. Whatever you think of Israel's conduct during its war against Hamas in Gaza, you should understand that its delivery system for aid was doomed to fail. Israeli authorities and GHF had no realistic plan for what the logistics industry calls 'the last mile'—the process of getting goods from a distribution center to the customer, so to speak. GHF was founded in February and is already on its second leader, a Trump-supporting evangelical Christian public-relations executive. Among the firms that Israel engaged to provide security for distribution sites in southern Gaza is Safe Reach Solutions, a firm led by a former CIA official and staffed by former U.S. military and security contractors that was formed only in January. GHF and SRS are both mysterious, controversial entities whose financial backing is unclear. The organization has defended its work, claiming in a statement yesterday that 'almost 8.5 million meals have been delivered so far—without incident.' GHF also said it is still scaling up. 'Our top priority remains protecting the safety and dignity of those receiving aid,' the statement continued, 'especially as we continue to serve as the only reliable provider of humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.' It's true that established aid agencies that have previously worked in Gaza's difficult conditions are not involved in the current effort. Israel cut ties with the UN Relief and Works Agency amid allegations that some of its staff had been involved with the October 7, 2023, terror attack by Hamas; the UN's World Food Program continues to work there but depleted all of its resources in late April. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has clashed with the International Committee of the Red Cross, which lost two of its personnel in an Israeli bombing in May. (The group's leader has called conditions in Gaza 'worse than hell.') World Central Kitchen, which lost seven people in an Israeli strike in Gaza in 2024, closed its soup kitchen in April because it could not deliver food there. With relief agencies either sidelined or unable to deliver resources because of Israel's blockade, Netanyahu then chose, with American backing, the new GHF. But its first leader resigned after a few weeks, citing a lack of 'humanitarian principles' in the Gaza relief effort. Julie Beck: It should not be controversial to plead for Gaza's children Perhaps to help solve logistical questions—and perhaps to add reputational gloss to its efforts—GHF hired the Boston Consulting Group. But after violence broke out, that company withdrew from the contract. Later that same day, GHF appointed its new executive chairman, Johnnie Moore, who insisted that his agency was 'demonstrating that it is possible to move vast quantities of food to people who need it most.' In all cases, an organization delivering goods must optimize distribution routes that align with the community it's delivering to. Israel's lack of trust for experienced relief groups doesn't justify ignoring what those operations learned about moving supplies. Many distribution systems rely on what are known as micro-fulfillment centers—local warehouses, delivery hubs, temporary facilities—to provide goods closer to where the community is. This is why, a few years ago, the COVID-vaccine-distribution efforts that drew so heavily on local doctors and pharmacies were prioritized over larger-scale efforts. Employing many small distribution sites promotes flexibility; the system can adapt to changes in demand. The GHF has provided only four distribution centers, presumably for security reasons, in all of Gaza, down from the 400 that the UN once managed; many Palestinians must now walk hours to have any hope of picking up a food package. No rational system of distribution, under any circumstances, would work this way. GHF increased the security risk by having fewer, not more, distribution sites. The organization also seemed unprepared when tens of thousands of people converged on those sites. Forgive the comparison, but American retail stores planning for Black Friday sales have come to understand—in some cases because of past tragedies at a ' crush point '—the need for information systems that collect data on where the demand is coming from and that help organizations meet that demand quickly. Surely Israel could have anticipated the sheer desperation of Gaza's Palestinians after it cut off relief efforts for months. Especially in hard circumstances, how the last mile will work must be clearly explained to those on the receiving end. In large-scale logistics efforts, the mechanics of how delivery will occur—who needs the information, when they need it, and through which communications channels it will be delivered—are all integral parts of the process. Whole systems of real-time tracking, delivery windows, and notifications are there for Israel to use, even against what it perceives as a hostile population. But information about food availability has been scarce by all accounts. Al Jazeera reported that some announcements last Sunday came from speakers mounted on military drones. The shortage of information led to a rush to the limited number of distribution sites. Business analogies only go so far. An aid site is not a Costco. Palestinian civilians are not retail customers. But perhaps if the Israeli government and its newly chosen relief entity had thought through any of the logistical matters that preoccupy established companies and experienced aid agencies alike, many more Palestinians would be receiving the food aid they badly need, faster and more safely.


Newsweek
an hour ago
- Newsweek
Trump Changes Top Middle East General For Strong Iran Hawk
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The U.S. has underlined the priority of maritime operations and integrated joint forces in the Middle East with the nomination of a naval officer as the region's top commander ahead of a potential confrontation with Iran over its nuclear program and other threats. President Donald Trump has nominated Vice Admiral Brad Cooper, currently the deputy commander of U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), to be appointed to the rank of admiral and serve as its new commander. He has been a strong critic of Iran and supportive of Israel in the past. Only one Navy officer has previously commanded CENTCOM—Admiral William Fallon in 2007—while the role has traditionally been held by Army and Marine generals. Why It Matters Commanding U.S. operations in the Middle East is one of the military's critical roles amid ongoing tensions with Iran and with a fragile truce with the Yemeni Houthis, after the Iranian-backed group multiply targeted U.S. aircraft carriers in response to Trump's airstrike campaign launched in March. Trump has threatened to use military force against Iran if diplomacy fails to achieve a deal to curb its nuclear program. CENTCOM is further engaged in regional security efforts related to Gaza since the war that erupted following Hamas' 2023 October attack on Israel. Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq remain key theaters for CENTCOM's anti-ISIS operations. What To Know If confirmed, Adm. Cooper will succeed commander General Michael Kurilla, who is due to retire this summer. Kurilla, with an army background, has also been strongly critical of Iran. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has endorsed Cooper over Army General James Mingus, the presumed frontrunner, shifting away from Biden administration preferences, The Washington Post reported in April. A fierce critic of Iran's activities in the Middle East, Cooper has repeatedly identified it as a threats to regional security, navigation, and stability. As commander of U.S. Naval Forces Central Command, he played a central role in Operation Prosperity Guardian, the U.S.-led multinational mission safeguarding Red Sea shipping lanes from Houthi missile and drone attacks from 2023. In 2024, he orchestrated the U.S. military's support for humanitarian aid to Gaza, through the establishment of a maritime corridor that boosted aid delivery without deploying troops on the ground, although it faced security challenges and quickly ended. Cooper had visited Israel in January to discuss U.S.-Israeli defense cooperation, according to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Cooper, a 1989 Naval Academy graduate, holds a master's in strategic Intelligence, studied international relations at Harvard and Tufts, and is a graduate of the Army Command and General Staff College. A recipient of the Admiral Elmo Zumwalt Award, he has led Navy ships and crews across key regions, served on the ground in Afghanistan, commanded U.S. naval forces in the Middle East for nearly three years, and led major Navy groups in the Atlantic, Japan, and Korea, including the USS Russell and USS Gettysburg. What People Are Saying Vice Adm. Brad Cooper said on CBS' 60 Minutes in 2024: "For a decade, the Iranians have been supplying the Houthis. They've been resupplying them. They're resupplying them as we sit here right now, at sea. We know this is happening. They're advising them, and they're providing target information. This is crystal clear." Pentagon's press release on Wednesday: "Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced today that the President has made the following nominations: Navy Vice Adm. Charles B. Cooper II for appointment to the grade of admiral, with assignment as commander, U.S. Central Command." What Happens Next His appointment is pending approval by the Senate Armed Services Committee.