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Assad-era political prisoner wants justice

Assad-era political prisoner wants justice

SYRIAN fighter pilot Ragheed Tatari was 26 when he was arrested. Now 70, the country's longest-serving political prisoner is finally free after Bashar al-Assad's fall, seeking justice and accountability.
Tatari, arrested in 1981 and sentenced to life behind bars, was among scores of prisoners who walked free when longtime ruler Assad was overthrown on Dec 8.
He has made it out alive after 43 years in jail, but tens of thousands of Syrian families are still searching for their loved ones who disappeared long ago in Syria's hellish prison system.
"I came close to death under torture," said Tatari in his small Damascus apartment.
Since a military field court gave him a life sentence for "collaborating with foreign countries" — an accusation he denies — Tatari was moved from one prison to another, first under late president Hafez al-Assad and then his son Bashar who succeeded him in 2000.
Showing old pictures of him in his pilot uniform, Tatari said he was not seeking revenge, but stressed that "everyone must be held accountable for their crimes".
More than two million Syrians were jailed under the Assad dynasty's rule, half of them after anti-government protests in 2011 escalated into civil war, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitor.
The Britain-based monitor says around 200,000 died in custody.
Diab Serriya, co-founder of the Association of Detainees and Missing Persons of Saydnaya Prison, said Tatari was "the longest-serving political prisoner in Syria and the Middle East".
Rights group Amnesty International has called the notorious Saydnaya prison outside Damascus a "human slaughterhouse".
Tatari had been detained there, but he said his 15 years in the Palmyra prison in the Syrian desert were the most difficult.
The Palmyra facility operated "without any discipline, any laws and any humanity", said Tatari.
Detainees were "not afraid of torture — we wished for death", he added.
"Everything that has been said about torture in Palmyra... is an understatement. A guard could kill a prisoner if he was displeased with him," said Tatari.
In 1980, Palmyra witnessed a massacre of hundreds detainees, gunned down by helicopters or executed in their cells after a failed assassination attempt on Hafez al-Assad.
Tatari said he was completely disconnected from the outside world there, only learning of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union through a prisoner who had returned from a hospital visit.
In Sweida prison in the south, where Tatari was transferred after the 2011 revolt began, some inmates had phones that they would keep hidden from the guards.
"The cell phone gets you out of prison, it makes you feel alive," he said, recalling how he used to conceal his device in a hole dug in his cell.
But after his phone was discovered, he was transferred to a prison in Tartus — his final detention facility before gaining freedom.
Tatari was one of several military officers who were opposed to Syria's intervention in Lebanon in 1976, and to the violent repression in the early 1980s of the Muslim Brotherhood, Syria's main opposition force at the time.
After two of his fellow pilots defected and fled to Jordan in 1980, he escaped to Egypt and then on to Jordan.
But he returned when security forces began harassing his family and was arrested on arrival. His wife was pregnant at the time with their first and only son.
For years, the family assumed Tatari was dead, before receiving a proof of life in 1997.
It was then that Tatari was finally able to meet his son, then aged 16, under the watchful eye of guards during the family's first authorised prison visit that year.
His wife has since died and their son left Syria, having received threats at the start of the protest movement, which had spiralled into war and eventually led to Assad's overthrow.

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Florida International University, for instance, in 2023 cancelled a two-decade-old hospitality programme with the Tianjin University of Commerce after Florida Governor Ron DeSantis signed a law restricting US-China partnerships. Since the start of Trump's second term, efforts targeting US-China education exchanges based on sweeping criteria have picked up. Last month, the full House of Representatives passed a bill that incentivises US universities to cut partnerships with a broad group of universities in China. Last week, the State Department declined to provide details on what areas of study or type of link to the Communist Party would make a Chinese citizen subject to greater visa scrutiny. Washington has already set rules that prevent foreign students and scholars from gaining access to sensitive information on university campuses, such as 'export administration regulations' on certain advanced technologies. And in 2020, the US government cancelled visas for graduate programme students from Chinese universities believed to have close research relationships with China's military. For proponents of exchange, the benefits include deep country expertise that Wilder says has been instrumental to US policy on China for decades. While there were more than 11,000 American students in China as recently as 2019, the latest available estimate, from 2024, hovers around 1,000. Experts say government oversight of US-China exchanges is often shaped by broad or inaccurate assumptions. 'American students are not as naive as the congressional committees seem to want to believe they are,' Wilder said, noting that they are often aware that they may be targets for Beijing's espionage or propaganda before heading to China. 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Ho-fung Hung, another professor at SAIS, said clear parameters should be established for research areas that are off-limits. 'Even at the height of the Cold War, US and USSR scientific and technological cooperation continued. But a clear boundary needs to be set,' he said. 'Without such boundary, universities are going to be cautious and reluctant to continue working with Chinese scholars and students in all fields,' he continued, adding that China could help the situation by 'rethinking, revising, or refining the law that obliges all individual citizens, companies and organisations to spy for the state'. - SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST

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