
Iran executes three prisoners accused of spying for Israel
The hangings happened in Urmia Prison in Iran's West Azerbaijan province, the country's most north-west province, according to the state-run IRNA news agency.
IRNA said Iran's judiciary claimed the men had been accused of bringing 'assassination equipment' into the country.
Iran has carried out several hangings during its war with Israel, sparking fears from activists that it could conduct a wave of executions after the conflict ended.
Iran identified the three men executed as Azad Shojaei, Edris Aali and Iraqi national Rasoul Ahmad Rasoul.
People began to return to their normal lives as a ceasefire with Israel appeared to be holding (Ohad Zwigenberg/AP)
Amnesty International had previously raised concerns that the men could be executed.
Wednesday's executions bring the total number of hangings for espionage around the war up to six since June 16.
Activists fear more people will be executed, particularly after Iran's theocracy issued a deadline for people to turn themselves in over spying.
People in Iran, meanwhile, began trying to return to their normal lives as a shaky ceasefire with Israel, negotiated by US President Donald Trump, appeared to be holding.
State media described heavy traffic around the Caspian Sea area and other rural areas outside of the capital, Tehran, as people began returning to the city.
Tehran experienced intense Israeli airstrikes throughout the war, including those that targeted Iran's top military leadership and other sites associated with its ruling theocracy.

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29 minutes ago
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Israel's attack on Iran has been planned for years
It was clear at the time that what happened on 7 October 2023 would change the Middle East. What was perhaps less obvious was the impact it would have on the rest of the world. In addition to the suffering in Gaza, the weeks and months that followed Hamas's horrific attacks have seen the reconfiguration of Syria, the effective dismantling of Hezbollah, the decapitation of the leadership of Hamas and now, with Iran, a time when the decision-making in Tehran, Jerusalem and Washington will have a profound effect on the shape of the emerging global order. Historians like to think about turning points and moments in the past where the wheels of history turned. In one sense that is, of course, true about 7 October. On the other hand, what is perhaps more significant is that what happened that day unlocked a sequence of opportunities that Israel has been preparing for over the course not of years or a decade, but for more than a generation. It is now clear that Israeli intelligence had completely penetrated Iran's military as well as its scientific communities before the attacks began two weeks ago. It was therefore not only able to identify its top targets, but where they were located. Many of the most senior figures in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps were targeted, as were their immediate replacements – with the result that there were three chiefs of staff of the armed forces in less than a week. In some cases, the Israelis were able to work out when they moved and to where; in some instances they even anticipated how they would behave: in the case of the top brass of the air force, for example, one Israeli security official was able to comment that the presence of all senior officers in the same location in an underground command centre was not a coincidence. According to the Israel Defence Forces (IDF): 'We did specific activities to help us understand things about them and then used that information to make them act in a specific way. We knew this would make them meet, but more importantly we knew how to keep them there.' It is hard to overstate the logistical complexity of carrying out an operation on this scale, at speed, in a rapidly changing environment. The IDF has been working through a hierarchy of objectives that has been constantly evolving. One reason that so many goals have been achieved is that they have been thought about for a long time. Another is that Iran's air defences were badly damaged by Israeli air strikes; what was left was destroyed in the first hours of Israel's assault – so that for the past two weeks, the Israeli air force has enjoyed complete superiority over the skies of Tehran and other major Iranian cities. The astonishing success is testimony to many years of planning, of surveillance, of careful cultivation of contacts, of embedding agents and assets in Iran. The information-gathering, network-building and forward-thinking were all put in place for a reason; before 7 October, though, it would have seemed far-fetched that the day would come when there would be a possibility of playing more than one or two cards at a time. In fact, we've seen the whole hand played in one go. Few would have thought that possible just a few weeks ago. Although the Iranian leadership had been defiant about the progress of discussions with US counterparts about a possible agreement on civilian nuclear power, there was some optimism that the sixth round of talks – scheduled for 15 June in Oman – might lead to an accommodation that would be acceptable to Tehran and to the US. That will have played a role in Israeli strategic thinking, with the narrowing window likely focusing minds on launching a pre-emptive strike 48 hours before talks were due to start. Some understood that this was the case: just two days before the start of the attack, Iran's foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, was at a retreat for high-ranking diplomats just outside Oslo. According to well-placed sources, while there, he was urged by his Saudi counterpart, Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud, to strike a deal with the US as soon as possible in order to stave off an Israeli assault. Perhaps the Iranians did not think they were at imminent risk; but something similar happened last week after Donald Trump had said he would wait two weeks before deciding whether to use military force against Iran. Again, the delay in decision-making proved critical. While some reports claim that Trump acted in a fit of pique after his offer to come to negotiate directly and in person, likely in Istanbul, was rebuffed, it was the fact that the US overtures were met with silence that led to the decision to take action. As Secretary of State Marco Rubio put it, the US had said it could live with an Iranian civil nuclear programme, under some strict conditions – but 'they rejected it'. In fact, he went on, the problem was that 'they wouldn't respond to our offers. They disappeared for ten days. The President had to take action as a response.' In some respects, the lack of communication between the US and senior Iranians is not a surprise. As if the fog of war were not bad enough, the exploding pager operation against Hezbollah last year, combined with the apparent inside knowledge of the movement of key officials, will have meant that messaging would have been slow, difficult and perhaps even impossible: that Trump declared he knew the whereabouts of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and that he would not authorise an attempt on his life, would have been deeply unsettling, regardless of whether it was true or not. The failure to engage is what Trump reacted to: as Rubio also noted, even as the B2s were in the air heading for Iran, the US President was still considering his options. 'There are multiple points along the way in which the President has decisions to make about go or no go, and it really comes right up to ten minutes before the bombs are actually dropped.' Had Iran responded differently, perhaps the facilities at Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan would have been spared. As it happens, the calculus in Tehran had been that bombing was likely anyway – hence the removal of 400kg of enriched uranium and, if reports are to be believed, the tunnel entrances at Fordow backfilled with earth to reduce the impact of the massive US 'bunker-busting bombs' that were used in the small hours of Sunday morning. Not surprisingly, many of the responses to the US intervention around the world were hostile. 'Each and every member of the UN must be alarmed over this extremely dangerous, lawless and criminal behaviour,' said Araghchi. Condemnations were also issued by Saudi Arabia's foreign ministry, by Oman, which called the intervention illegal, and by Qatar, which warned of 'disastrous consequences'. Vladimir Putin expressed his outrage at what he called 'absolutely unprovoked aggression against Iran', while Russia's ambassador to the UN warned that the United States, and especially its leaders, are 'clearly not interested in diplomacy today', adding that 'no one knows what new catastrophes and suffering' would follow because of the strikes. China's response was that Trump's decision to hit the nuclear facilities 'seriously violates the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and international law and exacerbates tensions in the Middle East'. It offered its customary anti-Israel spin: 'China calls on all parties to the conflict, especially Israel, to cease fire as soon as possible.' What is more revealing than these words of condemnation is how little they have achieved. Russia has shown no interest in bolstering Iran's position, partly because it has its hands full with Ukraine, partly because it is better to keep the US administration onside than not, and partly because Moscow's relationship with Tehran – like all marriages of convenience – looks better on paper than in practice. Iran has provided considerable support for Putin's military offensive, not least plentiful Shahed and more advanced Mohajer-6 drones, as well as hundreds of surface-to-surface ballistic missiles that were supplied last year. That has been quietly and quickly forgotten. China's position too has been key, since the status of the Gulf has changed dramatically with Beijing's economic rise. Just two decades ago, talk of the potential disruption to oil supply would have sent the price of oil soaring and – as happened in 1973 – brought economic chaos to the US, along with efforts to invest in renewable energy to prevent future shocks. Investment in energy in the US (and in oil in particular) has meant America now produces double the number of barrels that Saudi Arabia does every day. The Gulf still matters to the US – as is clear from Trump's visit in May – but not for its oil, rather for the depth of the pockets of its investors for US businesses. Ironically, then, it is China that has serious exposure to disruption in this region. Apart from taking an estimated 1.5 million barrels of oil per day from Iran, China depends heavily on the Gulf as a whole for its energy supplies. The costs of chartering tankers to carry crude from the Middle East to China almost doubled after Israeli attacks began. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which was widely cited as one of a range of possible Iranian responses to the assaults, would have had limited impact on western markets, but a negative impact on China – as well as on others who import in bulk, such as India. Iran, of course, has to show it has capabilities and capacity to hurt others, not only in the region, but around the world and also in Iran itself, where the likelihood of crackdowns amid suspicion and fear would seem inevitable. Trump has already christened this the '12-day war'. This was a war, he wrote on social media, 'that could've gone on for years, and destroyed the entire Middle East, but it didn't'. In fact, what will now follow will require a series of resets that will be extremely delicate. First will be Iran's realisation that, for all its membership of organisations such as Brics or the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, its peers and apparent allies proved reluctant to provide meaningful support when it mattered. Second, the dangers of a 'Versailles' moment, where punitive measures are imposed on Tehran, are obvious but not easy to avoid. Much will depend on how strategic thinking in Iran sees the near and medium future, and how those with influence make sense of how one of the world's great powers in history has found itself exposed. The most important point is about the return of state-against-state violence, though; of unilateral action by one state against another – and how self-defence and pre-emptive strikes can be blended into narratives that suit those willing to take risks. We are in an age of intense competition, for minerals, ideas, control and more, where an increasing number of states see that they have a right to reshape the world in their own image. To give just one example, this week, Recep Tayyip Erdogan has raged against Israel, adamantly declaring that 'as Turkey, we will not allow the establishment of a new Sykes-Picot order in our region, whose borders will be drawn with blood'. These are dangerous times. 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We should welcome regime change in Iran
On the first night of what Donald Trump has called the '12-day war' between Israel and Iran, someone spray-painted a message in Farsi on a wall in Tehran: 'Thank you, Israel. Hit the regime hard – and leave the rest to us.' That graffiti encapsulated the feelings of many millions of Iranians. If you doubt this, you can read (in translation from Farsi) opposition accounts such as ManotoOfficial and IranIntlTV on Instagram or Telegram, which in the past two weeks have been posting countless messages and comments in support of Israel. These accounts are widely seen by people inside Iran, who use VPNs to get around the regime's online censorship systems. Or you can look at footage from the demonstrations in London and across the world in recent days where Iranians in exile have waved Israeli flags alongside pre-revolutionary Iranian flags, and chanted their support for Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu. By contrast, as one Iranian woman put it to me: 'At the pro-Iranian government rally in London last weekend, not a single Iranian joined these left-wing British demonstrators.' What you should not do, however, is give much credence to the Islamic regime apologists wheeled out by the BBC and other British media. These are the same kind of 'experts' who were until recently invited on to news programmes and panel discussions to argue that Syrians wanted to see Bashar al-Assad remain in power. The kind who in an earlier era downplayed the crimes of the Soviet Union. The vast majority of Iranians are eager for a change of government. Such a change will almost certainly lead to a marked reduction in radical Shiism and in turn to a reduction in the radical Sunnism which grew as a counter-reaction to the 1979 Iranian revolution and has given rise to groups such as al-Qaeda and Isis. Indeed, the fall of the Iranian regime may speed up the decline of Islamism worldwide. The Iranian regime has already been greatly weakened by a series of counter-revolutionary protests, from the 2009 Green Movement to the more recent 'Women, Life, Freedom' uprising. And now, with millions of Iranians quietly and not so quietly celebrating the Israeli attacks on regime henchmen and on its hated Basij militia, which enforces internal security, the pressure for regime change may come from inside. And we should welcome it, not fear it. No one is talking about US or Israeli troops invading or occupying Iran. But we shouldn't try to thwart change and prop up the regime, as Barack Obama was accused of doing during the pro-democracy protests in 2009. Whether the regime falls remains to be seen. But for now, the campaign against Iran has been a triumph for Trump and even more so for Netanyahu. The campaign against Iran's nuclear weapons programme and the missile systems developed to deliver nuclear warheads has been compared with Israel's victory in the 1967 war when this tiny, outnumbered and outgunned democracy overcame three invading Arab armies in just six days. Three days after the 7 October massacre, an official I spoke to said that Netanyahu made a strategic decision to go methodically piece by piece against each component of the Iranian axis: Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, the Assad regime and finally Iran and its nuclear programme and its tens of thousands of ballistic missiles. Incredibly, there are still regime propagandists in the West who peddle the lie that Iran's nuclear programme is for the development of energy, not weapons. Does anyone seriously think that the Iranian regime – whose stated goal is to commit genocide against Israel and others – has spent tens of billions of dollars building one of the world's most heavily fortified sites buried deep under a mountain, in which far more uranium has already been enriched than could possibly be needed for civil purposes, for any other reason than to build nuclear weapons? Does anyone seriously believe that the regime in Tehran, which has been known to beat women to death for not wearing a hijab and hang gay men from cranes, would give up its decades-long quest for nuclear weapons merely because the likes of David Lammy or Emmanuel Macron ask it nicely to do so? Israelis certainly do not. Nor do Arabs. Had the international community allowed Iran's regime to acquire nuclear weapons, it would have sparked a nuclear arms race. Several Arab states, as well as Turkey, have made it clear that they would be left with little choice but to pursue nuclear weapons programmes of their own. They don't worry that Israel will use nuclear weapons, except as a very last resort. They do, however, fear Iran. Some European countries whose people have lived under tyrannies not so dissimilar from Iran's are under no illusions either. They immediately declared their full support for Israel's campaign against Iran's nukes. The Czech government and opposition both did so, as did Germany's Chancellor Friedrich Merz. As did Ukraine, where they know what it is like to be on the receiving end of Iranian drones. By contrast, the British and French governments have shown the world just how insipid they have become, issuing vapid platitudes and calling for a premature ceasefire that would have left Iran's nuclear programme largely intact. In case it hasn't sunk in, Britain is also a target of the mullahs. Crowds bussed into Tehran from the countryside each week (many paid by the regime) are instructed to chant not just 'Death to America' and 'Death to Israel' but also 'Death to Britain'. Too often, what starts with Israel soon affects the rest of us: airline hijacking, suicide bombs and more. We should not rule out the possibility of Iranian missile attacks on western cities if the country's military capabilities are not kept in check. What kind of message does Britain's feeble response send to the world, including Islamists already operating within our borders? That Britain has neither the will nor the ability to defend itself. Likewise, desperate calls by British politicians for a premature ceasefire in Gaza, which would have left a still-armed Hamas in power to fight another day, would have all but removed the possibility of long-term peace between Palestinians and Israelis. Instead, an agreement to end the war in which Hamas agrees to disarm, and a peaceful Palestinian government can run Gaza, will be much easier to achieve now that Hamas's Iranian backers have been so severely weakened. Other European governments – notably Spain, Ireland and Belgium – have been even more outspoken in denouncing Israel, in effect backing the Iranian regime. There are disturbing echoes of Ireland's leaders sending their condolences to the Nazis after Hitler shot himself in 1945. We also have the usual voices in the West arguing that the strikes were ultimately futile because the Iranian regime will simply rebuild its nuclear programme so it can wreak fiery vengeance upon its enemies. Similar arguments were made in 1981 after Israel bombed Saddam Hussein's nuclear programme in Iraq, and in 2007 after Israel bombed Bashar al-Assad's nuclear programme in Syria. Neither Saddam nor Assad managed to rebuild. Another nonsensical argument being advanced after Tuesday's ceasefire is that a wounded and vengeful Iran may seek to destabilise the region. Who do these pundits think has already been destabilising the region all these years? Who destabilised Lebanon through the Hezbollah militia, which is effectively a subsidiary of Iran's Revolutionary Guard? Which country has destabilised Yemen, leading to millions of deaths through war and famine? Who destabilised Syria by bringing in thousands of heavily armed Shia militia to provide the core of Assad's army, driving millions of Syria's majority Sunni population into exile across Europe? And who gave arms and training to Hamas to carry out the biggest massacre against Jews since the Holocaust? In all cases, Iran. We should be thankful to Trump (who defied his critics in America on both left and right) and Netanyahu for holding back this expansionist Iranian regime. Arab leaders are. Hamas and Hezbollah have been cut down to size by Israel. Now there is at least the prospect for a better situation in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria and elsewhere. President Obama was awarded the 2009 Nobel peace prize in his very first year in office, yet in his two terms he achieved precisely zero peace deals. In 2016 alone, Obama dropped 26,172 bombs on seven different countries, according to the Council on Foreign Relations. Yet he is still spoken of in the loftiest tones by the liberal establishment on both sides of the Atlantic as a great peacemaker. Trump and Netanyahu, by contrast, are regularly condemned as war criminals and threatened with all kinds of legal action. Yet they have signed four peace deals as part of the Abraham Accords, which, thanks in part to their actions against Iran, may now expand to include Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Arab world. They have demonstrated a simple lesson, one that Britain should have learnt from Churchill: a genuine peace sometimes requires the West's enemies to be defeated, not accommodated.