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Harry Dunn review ‘will not scrutinise actions of US government'

Harry Dunn review ‘will not scrutinise actions of US government'

The 19-year-old's family met with senior officials at the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) on Wednesday where they were told the probe will be led by former chief inspector of prisons Dame Anne Owers.
The PA news agency understands the review is set to examine the support the FCDO offered the Dunn family after Harry was killed by a former US state department employee in a road crash in 2019.
The American driver, Anne Sacoolas, had diplomatic immunity asserted on her behalf following the incident outside RAF Croughton in Northamptonshire before a senior Foreign Office official said they should 'feel able' to put her on the next flight home.
PA understands the probe, which is scheduled to last for three months, is also set to look at the actions taken by the Foreign Office in the months after Harry's death and the nature of internal decision-making.
The review will also look to identify lessons to be learned for the FCDO for comparable future situations.
The involvement of the US government, which asserted the diplomatic immunity on behalf of Ms Sacoolas, will not be examined – alongside any issues covered in previous court hearings.
Dame Anne could look to request interviews with relevant staff within the Foreign Office at the time of Harry's death, as well as documents from within the FCDO.
Following the meeting, family spokesman Radd Seiger told PA: 'I think overall the family are feeling that we are going to leave a legacy for Harry, which is that no family should ever be treated the way this family were by their own government.
'The American government really were stepping on their rights; nobody really from the government stepped forward to help them.
'Dame Anne is going to look into all of this and make a series of recommendations to David Lammy that should this ever happen again, whether here or abroad, that they will get the support and representation of the Government that they need. So we are very, very pleased.
'The reason we got justice for Harry in the end was no thanks to the United Kingdom government; it was thanks to the British public and the media on both sides of the Atlantic, who spoke truth to power and made sure that we held them to account.'
Harry's mother Charlotte Charles said the current Government was more 'welcoming' than the previous Conservative one.
She said: 'I think this Government is totally different to what we were dealing with before: they were calmer, they seemed to want to engage with us, they are welcoming us to the Foreign Office.
'We aren't being shoved down the road and they seem to have a lot of patience and time for us to get the answers that we need.
'The previous government's meetings were very fraught. I think they had us in their offices under duress almost.
'I think they almost felt like they had to do it and we could feel that in the room. But since the Labour Government got in, they've been more open with us and more welcoming.'
She said she hoped the inquiry would 'get to the reason as to why we were treated so poorly'.
Ms Charles added: 'Why did they kick us down the road, why did they try to shove Harry's life under the carpet?
'What was more important than our son's life? They were rude, they were brutal with us. They were not engaging with us at all.
'They did everything they possibly could to try to make us go away and give up. The answers we need now are why. What were they so scared of?'

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Letters: Israel's attack on Iran was no surprise
Letters: Israel's attack on Iran was no surprise

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Letters: Israel's attack on Iran was no surprise

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Spectator

timean hour ago

  • Spectator

In defence of exorcism

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What a carve up! The British flair for disastrous partition
What a carve up! The British flair for disastrous partition

Spectator

timean hour ago

  • Spectator

What a carve up! The British flair for disastrous partition

We think of the Raj as controlling only India and Pakistan, and its infamous breakup happening in August 1947. It's a story told and filmed so often, and whose echoes reverberate today with such nuclear sabre-rattling that surely there is little left to add. And please nobody mention Edwina Mountbatten's possible affair with Jawaharlal Nehru ever again. But there is a wider, and fascinating, history which has itself been partitioned off and ignored. We forget that more than a quarter of the world's population was ruled by the Viceroy from New Delhi, in a zone that spread from the Red Sea to the borders of Thailand – an empire within an empire, which included Burma, parts of Yemen and Gulf states such as Dubai. The division of this single and much larger British 'Indian Empire' created almost all of the conflicts that plague Asia today. 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Jinnah, not Gandhi, comes across in this account as the politician most concerned at an early stage to have a secular India where the two majority faiths could live together; and a larger India to include Burma, so as to further leaven a multi-faith state. Dalrymple tells the subsequent story of the Japanese invasion of Burma (woefully unforeseen by the British) and the exodus by its Indian inhabitants. There is a brilliant mix of narrative history with moving personal accounts of those who took part in what was a long, gruelling march through the jungle. If there is one common theme that emerges from his description of the further partitions that followed, it is the cack-handed and casual way many British colonial officers drew border lines on the map for 'administrative convenience'. These arbitrary divisions were to cause generational conflicts – including in Afghanistan, with the division of the Pathans from Pakistan, and the current conflicts in Myanmar with the Rohingya. What is it about the British temperament that made us so capable of running an empire but so hopeless when it came to dividing it? A lack of emotional intelligence and empathy? Our habit of compromise might be admirable for day-to-day administration but is less useful for the building of new nations, when what was needed were clean lines not fudged ones. The shards left from such clumsy partitions in southern Asia are still drawing blood. This is a book full of what-ifs and how it could all have gone a different way. At one point just before 'the Great Partition', the tantalising idea of a federal India emerged, supported by Jinnah. This would have been on the model of the United Kingdom, in which Pakistan and India would have coexisted; and would have done so alongside other states, such as the Gulf ones. At the time considered deserts and of no value, these would later have wielded such oil riches as to make 'United India' a dominant economic power in the world. Instead, Mountbatten pressed the button on full partition and allowed only ten weeks to prepare for it ('Everyone will be shocked into action'), with disastrous consequences: at least a million deaths, at a conservative estimate, in the Punjab alone. Dalrymple delivers his account at pace and with a keen eye for the telling detail. The ambition for what is his first book is impressive, and there is an admirably inclusive set of maps for those who don't know their Srinagars from their Sri Lankas. It's quite something for an author to claim that he has conducted his interviews in Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Punjabi, Konyak, Arabic and Burmese. This is a book that combines scholarship with a flair for narrative story-telling of the highest order. And the story of India's 'other partitions' has remained untold for too long.

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