
South Lebanon voters defy Israeli bombings to vote in region's first elections for years
Voters in southern Lebanon cast their ballots on Saturday in municipal elections, despite the near-daily Israeli bombardment of the area and continued occupation of five border points.
Residents exercised their democratic right in the region that has been devastated by Israel's war on the country and in defiance of the constant threat.
Israel continues to bomb south Lebanon almost every day despite a tenuous ceasefire agreed with the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah last November.
There has been an increase in the violence in the days up to the polls, which are widely seen as a referendum on Hezbollah's political popularity.
'After the war, I felt I had to vote, because I feel responsible for my country,' said Mohammad Al Ayan, 38. He was voting for the first time in his home village of Jwaya, one of the dozens of south Lebanon villages shattered by Israel's war.
Jwaya, around 15km from the border, was regularly targeted during the war and was where one of Hezbollah's senior commanders was killed.
'It's more important because of the situation we [experienced]. I feel happy because I believe the south will never die. Look at the cars, the people, everyone is coming,' said Mr Al Ayan.
He said that two days ago, there was a huge bombing campaign across south Lebanon 'but the people don't care and I am one of them'.
'They want to show everyone, the people of the south, that they will never be scared of anyone, they will never die,' he added.
South Lebanon remains a stronghold of Hezbollah support, and in many of the areas hardest hit by Israel's military campaign, the outcome of the elections is a foregone conclusion.
Such is the enduring popularity of Hezbollah that no voting took place in some areas and the joint list between Hezbollah and its Shiite ally, the Amal Movement, ran unopposed.
Hezbollah, once a dominant force in Lebanon, has suffered significant setbacks. Its year-long war with Israel has killed the group's leader and key commanders, destroyed its infrastructure and infiltrated its security apparatus.
Under the ceasefire terms, the group is required to withdraw its troops north of the Litani River and dismantle any remaining military infrastructure in the south. International pressure is also mounting for the full disarmament of Hezbollah and other armed factions across all Lebanese territory.
Long-delayed democratic process
Saturday's elections marked the fourth round of municipal voting, staggered across Lebanon since early May. This is the first time since 2016 that municipal elections have been held, after repeated delays due to financial, political and security crises.
In Ain Ebel, a Christian-majority village only 2km from the Israeli border, mayoral elections were held, but not municipal council polls, as only one list was submitted.
While the village was spared the scale of destruction that obliterated many neighbouring towns, it was still targeted by Israeli air strikes. For those who stayed, life has meant enduring the constant sound of drones and shelling.
However, mayor Imad Lallous said: 'The situation is good, we have no problems here in Ain Ebel. It's good to come and see the area.'
Among those who went to the polls in south Lebanon was President Joseph Aoun, who cast his vote in Al Aaishiyah in Jezzine District.
Ahmed Al Hajjar, the Minister of Interior and Municipalities, visited the town of Marjaayoun and praised people's resilience and 'adherence to democracy through their votes'.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Middle East Eye
42 minutes ago
- Middle East Eye
Israel's victims in Gaza are nameless in western media. These are their names
A man in a green shirt stands in a Gaza hospital, phone in hand, making a call. "Hello, Hany, come to the hospital. Hany, please come. Send someone. My children died, Hany. Both my sons - they're gone." He hangs up, whispering: "Oh Allah…" Another man, who seems to know him, approaches and asks: "Abu Muhannad, what happened?" He breaks down in tears. "My sons died. Muhannad and Mohammed. They both died. They're gone. I swear to God - they're gone. My sons are gone." New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters This is not fiction. It's a video from one of Gaza's hospitals, where grief is documented in real time. This is not the lonely cry of one man echoing through a hospital corridor. It is one of countless screams confirming that a genocide is unfolding - one body, one child, one neighbourhood at a time. As Israeli ground troops begin their policy of ethnic cleansing in northern Gaza, civilians across the south are - once again - being herded into ever-shrinking spaces where there is no safety from the bombardment. Scrolling horror I spend hours each day scrolling through Telegram channels showing what Amnesty International has described as a "live-streamed genocide". The pain, the horror, the fear, the blood - along with forced starvation and expulsion - are all visible on our screens. Wounded people flood into Al-Awda Hospital in central Gaza after an F-16 air strike on the Al-Hassayna UN school in al-Nuseirat refugee camp, where displaced families had sought shelter. The pain, the horror, the fear, the blood - along with forced starvation and expulsion - are all visible on our screens The names of those killed begin to scroll: five martyrs - Ayda, Asmaa, Yasir, Ismail, Ashraf. Then three more: Awni, Alaa, Mohammed, and many others still uncounted. Soon, videos of the massacre begin to surface. Footage from Al-Awda Hospital in Deir al-Balah shows rows of wounded children. A baby lies in blood-soaked clothes while doctors wrap bandages around his head. He cries while sucking his fingers - perhaps from hunger, perhaps for comfort. In another clip, a father cradles his injured daughter while medics fight to save her shattered limbs. These are the images millions of Americans and Europeans will never see, protected in their bubbled living rooms by corporate propaganda news that shields them from such sights - atrocities that may lead them to question what their governments are supporting. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war Then another video of the same massacre: Mahmoud Allouh, a correspondent for Al-Ghad TV, rushes into the hospital carrying his bloodied daughter. He darts between the wards, searching for space. There are no beds left. He lays her beside another wounded child. The girl starts to cry. A voice behind the camera murmurs: "What happened?" Mahmoud points at his daughter: "Here is what happened." "She's lucky," my all-too-aware son whispered behind my shoulder. "At least she has a bed - and a father." Not every child in Gaza does. 'Where should we go?' More news floods in. This time, from my hometown, Khan Younis, where more evacuation orders have been issued and desperate families are fleeing again. A video shows a man running through rubble-strewn streets with his elderly mother on his back, crying out: "Where should we go?" Many will go to Al-Mawasi - perhaps to be bombed in tents rather than their own homes. The news doesn't stop. The Abu Daqqa family home was targeted in eastern Khan Younis. Jumana Abu Daqqa, the mother, was killed along with her four young children - Wesam, Julan, Jilan and Siraj. Israel killed my family and destroyed my home. The world just kept scrolling Read More » Another artillery strike hit the Al-Omur neighbourhood in Al-Fukhari, also in east Khan Younis, wiping out an entire family: Safaa al-Omur and her six daughters - Sama, Lamma, Saja, Leen, Layan and Nada. All gone in the blink of an eye. Then came the bombardment of a makeshift encampment in Al-Mawasi - the hell zone - what the Israeli army misleadingly called a "safe zone". In less than an hour, around 10 strikes hit the area. One of them obliterated the Kassab family's tent in the southern part of Al-Mawasi, wiping out the entire family. Abeer, the mother, was killed along with her six children: her four daughters - Qamar, Samira, Abeer and Shireen - and her two sons, Imad and Ghali. The attacks come so fast, one after another, it's hard to catch my breath. It feels as though the Israeli occupation forces are racing against time to annihilate as much as they can, as quickly as possible. The Israeli human rights organisation B'Tselem has declared: "Israel is carrying out a deliberate, systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing in the Gaza Strip." 'They are killing us like chickens' Still, the news doesn't stop. In northern Gaza, Israeli forces bombed the power generators at the besieged Indonesian Hospital - one of the last remaining medical lifelines in the north. The rest are out of service. This caused a total power outage that now threatens the lives of every patient still breathing. Calls to the Palestinian Red Crescent Society to coordinate firefighting efforts go unanswered. Similarly, Khan Younis's Nasser Hospital is "suffering immensely" from a shortage of medical supplies after an Israeli attack hit a medical warehouse in the early morning on 19 May. This is not collateral damage. It is a deliberate strategy - a methodical execution of a declared plan, since the much-argued bombing of the al-Ahli Hospital on 17 October 2023, which killed about 500 people. As I write, all hospitals in northern Gaza are currently out of service. Then Gaza City was struck. The target: the al-Khour family in the Sabra neighbourhood - where I lived for two years in the 1990s, after I began working in Gaza. Six members of the family were killed, and many others were wounded. Still, the news floods in faster than I can absorb. I am reminded of words my brother said to me almost a year and a half ago: "We survived, but we don't know what tomorrow holds. It is like living in a chicken coop, waiting to be slaughtered. Every day, they come and pick 300, 400 or 500 to slaughter. Our turn is yet to come." Molly Moore in The Washington Post quoted an older woman in southern Gaza saying much the same more than 20 years ago: "They are killing us like chickens." Dying nameless And yet on and on it goes - back to 1967 and 1948. The horror of that woman in southern Gaza in 2002 is now seen multiple times a day all over the coastal territory. Then we at least had names. Now we die nameless - no western journalist fighting to learn our names, to tell the story of the headless men, women and children killed as they slept in their homes or tents. Each day brings a tally of more than 100 Palestinians killed. Since Nakba Day on 15 May, Israel has killed nearly 150 people a day. On 15 May alone: 120 lives lost. On 16 May: 125. On 17 May: 146. On 18 May: another 140. The numbers mount. The horror deepens. States could acknowledge the genocide. They could impose arms embargoes, block Israeli ports, and sever diplomatic and economic ties. But they choose not to Amid the smoke, the rubble, and the silence of the world, the question remains for the two million souls trapped in the Gaza concentration camp and on the move from one place to another: Where should we go? Israel's policy is not just rhetoric - it is a genocidal policy in action. Yet the world's response remains swallowed by moral decay disguised as diplomacy. Finally, after more than 54,000 Palestinians have been killed - the vast majority women and children - Britain, France and Canada issued a joint statement threatening "targeted sanctions" against Israel if its expanded attack on Gaza continues. While such measures may appear to be a step in the right direction, they are woefully insufficient in the face of genocide, in the face of Gaza's killing fields and the systematic erasure of entire families. This is not just a failure of politics or diplomacy - it is a collapse of our shared humanity. Palestinians are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability under international law. As legal scholar Noura Erakat reminds us, this is not a failure of law: "There is sufficient law to end the genocide. To lift the blockade. To end the occupation. And to realise Palestinian self-determination." The world has the legal tools to act. States could acknowledge the genocide. They could impose arms embargoes, block Israeli ports, and sever diplomatic and economic ties. But they choose not to. They choose impunity. Until foreign governments choose differently, Palestinians will continue to live in a world where journalists carry their injured children instead of cameras, where doctors operate by torchlight, and where a child's scream is the only proof of life. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.


Middle East Eye
43 minutes ago
- Middle East Eye
Libya: UN raises alarm over ‘gross violations' after scores of bodies found at militia sites in Tripoli
The UN has demanded an independent probe into evidence of extrajudicial killings by an armed Libyan group following the discovery of dozens of bodies in mass graves across Libya's capital Tripoli. The bodies were found at sites run by the Stabilisation Support Apparatus (SSA), one of the city's most powerful militia groups, once led by Abdel-Ghani al-Kikli who was assassinated in May. Al-Kikli, also known as "Gheniwa," was among Tripoli's most influential militia commanders and faced allegations of extrajudicial killings and serious human rights violations. Before his death, he had come into conflict with other armed groups. His killing triggered armed clashes across the capital, the deadliest since August 2023, when rival factions in Tripoli battled for control, leaving 55 people dead. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters In the wake of the violence, the UN human rights office (OCHR) said 10 badly charred bodies were discovered at the SSA headquarters in the Abu Salim neighbourhood, while 67 more bodies were found 'in refrigerators in various states of decay' in hospitals in Abu Salim and Al Khadra. Exclusive: Greece to lobby Egypt against Haftar endorsing Turkey-Libya maritime deal Read More » Another suspected mass grave has also been reported at the SSA-run Tripoli Zoo. The identities of the victims remain unknown. Volker Turk, the UN's high commissioner said the revelations confirmed the UN's 'worst-held fears' of gross human rights violations perpetrated by the group at these sites, adding that the bodies were found along with "suspected instruments of torture and abuse, and potential evidence of extrajudicial killings'. Turk noted that forensic authorities have not been allowed into the sites and called on the Libyan authorities to seal them to preserve evidence and ensure international access. The recent revelations follow the discovery of two mass graves in Jakharrah and Al-Kufra in February, containing over 100 bodies of refugees, who are particularly vulnerable to human trafficking, forced disappearance and killings in Libya. The SSA has long been suspected by the UN Support Mission in Libya and independent rights experts of being the main perpetrators of violence inside Libya's detention centres. Officially tied to the Presidential Council under the internationally recognised Government of National Unity (GNU), the group is one of the many factions competing for power in Libya's capital.


Middle East Eye
2 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Starmer is running out of road
Most people in Britain think that Keir Starmer has outlived any use he might have had as Labour leader, according to YouGov's bimonthly poll of the prime minister's popularity. Some 40 percent think he should resign as leader, and only 37 percent think he should stay on, according to the May survey. The same thing happened in January, with only a blip in between. In another YouGov poll, Starmer is disliked by 51 percent of the population and only popular with 22 percent. It hasn't always been this way. Before this year, you had to go back to autumn 2021, long before he was prime minister, to find statistics that showed most people thought Starmer should resign. And Starmer is dragging the whole government down with him. Labour's drop in the opinion polls in its first 10 months of power is the largest of any newly elected UK government in 40 years, according to a Guardian analysis. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters The drop in approval is comparable to former Prime Minister Boris Johnson's fall from grace in February 2022, when Partygate was at its peak. The areas where voters think the government is least capable of solving problems are health, housing and the economy. As the Guardian reported, the proportion of the public who think Labour can handle these problems the best has dropped since the party took power. "The biggest drops were recorded in health, housing and the economy." This is terrible news for Labour, since they are precisely the problems that the government has pledged to solve. Power struggle The recent Runcorn by-election result and the council election results on the same day crystallised all these concerns in the minds of Labour MPs, especially those who are more worried about staying in office than about their constituents' welfare. After all, Runcorn was the 49th safest Labour seat in the country, and it was lost to Reform. Soft left MPs are now urging Angela Rayner, Labour's ineffective deputy leader, to challenge Starmer. Ignore Starmer's theatrics. Gaza's trail of blood leads straight to his door Read More » Those on the traditional left, the remains of Corbynism in the parliamentary Labour Party, don't want to be left out of a post-Starmer struggle for the leadership. Consequently, MP John McDonnell called for a rank-and-file challenge to Starmer within days of the rumours about Rayner's possible challenge becoming public. McDonnell painted a devastating picture of the party leadership, asserting that a power struggle was taking place already: 'What we are now witnessing is a panicked, half-hearted policy retreat, while the backroom boys - Morgan McSweeney in the leader's office and Nick Parrott in the deputy leader's office - fight between themselves.' Starmer is already reacting to this pressure. The rhetorical U-turn over Gaza is the most obvious concession to critics, although it is also a response to signs that the US administration is finding Israel's genocidal policy in Gaza to be more of a hindrance than a help in its overall plan to revive the Abraham Accords. But Starmer's partial retreat on winter fuel allowance is also meant to take the sting out of his critics' case. The problem for Starmer is that this kind of 'messy reset', as the New Statesman described it, will further deepen the crisis in Labour. Indeed, Starmer may be about to learn the truth of historian Alexis de Tocqueville's adage that 'the most dangerous moment for a bad government is generally that in which it sets about reform'. Petulant mantra Starmer has shown that he is only really good at one thing: attacking the left. He is a classic Thermidorian figure, seemingly from the left but transmuting into the nemesis of Corbynism. What is equally obvious is that these factional skills are of little use in running a government. Starmer's frequently issued mantra of 'I won't stand for it' - whatever today's 'it' might be - may sound authoritative in internal party debates, but simply comes across as petulant amid recalcitrant economic realities. The more he gives ground, the more hollow and inconsistent he sounds The more he gives ground, the more hollow and inconsistent he sounds. It is very unlikely that his rigidity and sense of entitlement will allow him to find another model of leadership, not least because of the utter conventionality of his economic and social programme. More seriously, just as he is attempting to placate the left, he is also making gross adaptations to Reform leader Nigel Farage's racist rhetoric. This is making an already threadbare ideology look positively self-contradictory at best, and openly racist at worst. So it very much looks as if the wheels are coming off the Starmer wagon. But does this mean he will be replaced before the next election? He still has some reserves, including a whopping Commons majority, which will insulate him from opposition attacks and backbench rebellions - unless they are of tsunami proportions. Writing on the wall Starmer is also blessed with his Tory opponent, Kemi Badenoch, who is even more unpopular than Starmer, and seems even less effective as a leader. Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey is more popular than Starmer with a negative rating of minus 8, compared to Starmer's negative rating of minus 46, but it's hard to say whether - given that his every public appearance is an ill-conceived stunt - Davey is a politician or a personality who has escaped from BBC light entertainment. But these are advantages of limited value when the real challenge that Starmer faces is from Farage's Reform. UK local elections: Starmer's betrayal of voters is handing England to Reform Read More » Farage is more popular than Starmer, and Reform has effectively replaced the Tories as the main right-wing opposition to Labour. Starmer is building Reform support through his economic attacks on the welfare state, fuelling discontent within Labour, and by mimicking Farage's hostility towards refugees. Rayner supporters are talking of the council and other elections in 2026 as a watershed moment for Starmer's leadership. But it could be sooner. One or two more by-election losses could push already-nervous Labour MPs to don the white coats and head over to 10 Downing Street. Reform is the most obvious beneficiary. But Labour is so low in the polls that in some constituencies, it could lose to the SNP in Scotland or to the Liberal Democrats in other places. A left alliance of independents, rumoured to be the project that former leader Jeremy Corbyn is working on, would also threaten Labour's arrogant assumption that progressives have no one else to support. The writing is on the wall for Starmer, and time may be much shorter than he imagines. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.