
Ray Cavanaugh: Scholars failed to tell the truth about the genocidal Khmer Rouge
People who start their regime by vacating a capital city probably have some disturbing plans.
Fifty years ago, in April 1975, the Khmer Rouge forcibly evacuated all residents (including bedridden hospital patients) of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and all other sizable population centers.
Those who survived the evacuation were sent to do agrarian work at labor camps in rural areas. This unusual and alarming development elicited a very strange reaction, though, from relevant scholars in such countries as the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, France and Sweden, which seemed to think the forcible relocation was a positive step forward.
In ensuing months, emaciated Cambodian refugees began to surface at the border with Thailand. These refugees largely gave reports of forced labor, starvation and appalling savagery.
And yet positive views of the Khmer Rouge remained prevalent among Western scholars who — embracing revolution from thousands of miles away — dismissed the myriad Cambodian refugee reports and pounced on anyone who wrote stories that corresponded with refugee accounts.
Cambodia, also known in that period by the euphemistic name Democratic Kampuchea, had basically ended all contact with the outside world. But it might have been fruitful to visit the Thai side of the Cambodian border, where thousands of emaciated and traumatized refugees had gathered. This type of setting could have helped even the most intransigent of scholars realize that reports of Khmer Rouge atrocities likely had validity.
Among those who took up the cause of minimizing Khmer Rouge misdeeds was Massachusetts Institute of Technology linguist and all-around guru Noam Chomsky, who contended that reports of atrocity were part of a 'vast and unprecedented propaganda campaign' perpetrated by Western media.
Though Chomsky was the most prominent Khmer Rouge apologist, he was by no means the only significant one. Far from being the pursuit of a kooky fringe, the defense of the Khmer Rouge came to represent a mainstream view among relevant scholars.
This viewpoint was so prevalent in the West that it was labeled the 'standard total academic view' (STAV) on Cambodia by Sophal Ear, a Cambodian refugee who became a political scientist in the U.S. and is now an associate professor in the Thunderbird School of Global Management at Arizona State University.
'Many academics indeed treated Cambodia as a testing ground for their theories,' Ear said. He said they were also enamored with the concept of peasant revolutions and the Khmer Rouge policies of self-reliance, which they viewed as 'an authentic anti-colonial stance.'
Additionally, it was feared that acknowledgment of Khmer Rouge atrocities would validate the U.S. military endeavors in Indochina, which many people — especially leading scholars — had come to excoriate.
In their 1976 book 'Cambodia: Starvation and Revolution,' co-authors George C. Hildebrand and Gareth Porter stated, 'Cambodia is only the latest victim of the enforcement of an ideology that demands that social revolutions be portrayed as negatively as possible.'
But perhaps no one was drawn to Pol Pot as much as Scottish scholar Malcolm Caldwell. Caldwell had written that the Khmer Rouge revolution 'opens vistas of hope not only for the people of Cambodia but also for the peoples of all other poor third world countries.'
Caldwell received a rare invite to visit the utopia and even scored a private meeting with Pol Pot on Dec. 22, 1978. But hanging out with 'Brother Number One' was always rather risky, and later that night, the visiting scholar was gunned down. It is likely this case would have received more interest from Western media, but less than three days after Caldwell's murder, Vietnam invaded Cambodia.
The Vietnamese were fed up by that point: In addition to committing a genocide against Cambodians of Vietnamese ancestry, the Khmer Rouge had launched repeated attacks on Vietnamese soil, including the massacre of an entire village.
Vietnam's military was superior in size, organization and morale. Troops easily invaded Phnom Penh, causing high-ranking Khmer Rouge to flee to western Cambodia's mountainous terrain along the Thai border.
With Cambodia's door forcibly opened, the ensuing revelations of killing fields and grisly interrogation centers was about as close as you can get to incontrovertible proof of widespread atrocity. Among Western scholars, some former supporters emerged to recant their previous statements. Other supporters quietly withdrew from the now-obvious horror they had spent several years denying. However, some scholars remained as unrepentant as the war criminals, unmoved by any amount of ghastly hard evidence, or at least not sufficiently moved to forsake the revolution.
'Saying, 'I'm sorry, I was wrong,' is just too much for some people,' Ear said. 'They want to be correct in their minds, always.'
Even in 1981, after the consequences became grotesquely clear, Egyptian-French scholar Samir Amin described the Khmer Rouge period as 'one of the major successes of the struggle for socialism in our era.' Not only did Amin express approval for what happened in Cambodia, but he also recommended that African nations adopt the Khmer Rouge model. As if Africa had not endured enough, what it really needed, according to Amin, was its own Khmer Rouge.
Meanwhile, the real Khmer Rouge was not dead yet. Although forced out of Phnom Penh very quickly, the group still controlled much of Cambodia, particularly in the geographically rugged western part of the country. Along with holding significant military resources, the Khmer Rouge enjoyed a degree of international legitimacy: Into the early 1990s, the party of Pol Pot managed to hold Cambodia's seat at the United Nations.
Moreover, many Cambodians thought the Khmer Rouge was going to make a comeback in the 1990s, regain control of the country and repeat the nightmare. Ear said, 'This fear persisted until the Khmer Rouge's final dissolution,' which did not occur until the end of the millennium.
Now 50 years since the invasion, both the Khmer Rouge and their Western apologists serve as a cautionary tale of the depths to which people can sink for their ideals.
Ray Cavanaugh is a freelance writer with an interest in Cambodian history.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
31 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Latvia joins UN Security Council for first time
Latvia was elected on June 3 to the United Nations Security Council for the first time in its history. Along with four other countries – Bahrain, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Liberia – Latvia will serve a two-year term, beginning in January 2026, as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Reacting to the vote, Latvian Foreign Minister Baiba Braze called it a "historic day for Latvia." "We are honored by the trust placed in us and ready to take on this responsibility to defend the rules-based international order," she wrote on the exception of Latvia – which is taking a seat on the council for the first time – all the elected countries have previously served. The newly elected countries will take the place of Algeria, Guyana, the Republic of Korea, Sierra Leone, and Slovenia, whose terms will end in December 2025. They will join the five non-permanent members that were elected last year – Denmark, Greece, Pakistan, Panama, and Somalia. The UN Security Council is the main UN body responsible for maintaining international peace and security. It is composed of 15 members, including five permanent members – China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The permanent members hold veto power. Since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin has repeatedly used its veto power to block resolutions concerning its actions in Ukraine. Latvia, a vocal critic of Russia, has consistently pushed for stronger Western support for Ukraine. The Baltic nation has been a steadfast ally of Ukraine – it recently delivered 1,500 combat drones to Ukraine and has committed providing military support at the level of 0.25% of its GDP every has also urged the European Union to adopt tougher measures against Russia, including an EU-wide ban on issuing visas to Russian citizens. Read also: Ukrainian delegation arrives in US to discuss defense support, Russia sanctions We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.


Politico
2 hours ago
- Politico
Hegseth to skip Ukraine meeting at NATO headquarters
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth won't attend a Wednesday meeting of 50 defense ministers at NATO headquarters in Brussels that has been critical to coordinating military aid for Ukraine, marking the first time in three years an American defense secretary has skipped the meeting. The regular meetings of defense ministers from NATO and beyond have coordinated military aid to Ukraine, and have emerged as a key component for Western aid for Kyiv as it has battled Russian forces. The Trump administration has distanced itself from the group however, handing over leadership to the U.K. and Germany as President Donald Trump criticized Ukraine. Hegseth's absence appears to signal further softening of the Trump administration's relationship with Europe, and Ukraine. Hegseth will be in Brussels for Thursday's meeting of NATO defense ministers but his place at Wednesday's Ukraine Defense Contact Group will be taken by U.S. ambassador to NATO Matthew Whitaker, according to a defense official and two people familiar with their plans, all of whom were granted anonymity to discuss internal matters. The U.K. and Germany took over leadership of the group in February after Hegseth said the U.S. would no longer play a role in the monthly meetings established by then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in April 2022 after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Since that February meeting, U.K. Defense Minister John Healey, and Germany's defense chief, Boris Pistorius, have run the show, with Hegseth only attending virtually last month. The pair will chair Wednesday's meeting as well. The Trump administration is continuing to ship weapons and equipment to Ukraine under a $61 billion aid package established by former President Joe Biden. The Ukraine gathering of defense ministers comes three weeks before many of them will come together once again for NATO's annual summit being held in The Netherlands on June 24-25. Leaders from across the alliance will attend that two-day event, including president Trump, who will likely command an outsize presence as European leaders wait for the administration's Europe and Russia policies to come into focus. Ambassador Whitaker said last month that the U.S. will begin talks with allies later this year about potential troop withdrawals from Europe, but that nothing has been decided. But during his first visit to NATO in February, Hegseth warned that the American military presence in Europe was 'not forever,' a comment that sent ripples of concern throughout the alliance. During that meeting, Hegseth also admonished European leaders for not spending enough on defense and controversially laid down a series of preconditions for Ukraine to meet before entering into peace talks with Russia, including forgoing an invitation to join NATO and not asking for a return to its pre-invasion borders.
Yahoo
3 hours ago
- Yahoo
Hegseth to skip Ukraine meeting at NATO headquarters
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth won't attend a Wednesday meeting of 50 defense ministers at NATO headquarters in Brussels that has been critical to coordinating military aid for Ukraine, marking the first time in three years an American defense secretary has skipped the meeting. The regular meetings of defense ministers from NATO and beyond have coordinated military aid to Ukraine, and have emerged as a key component for Western aid for Kyiv as it has battled Russian forces. The Trump administration has distanced itself from the group however, handing over leadership to the U.K. and Germany as President Donald Trump criticized Ukraine. Hegseth's absence appears to signal further softening of the Trump administration's relationship with Europe, and Ukraine. Hegseth will be in Brussels for Thursday's meeting of NATO defense ministers but his place at Wednesday's Ukraine Defense Contact Group will be taken by U.S. ambassador to NATO Matthew Whitaker, according to a defense official and two people familiar with their plans, all of whom were granted anonymity to discuss internal matters. The U.K. and Germany took over leadership of the group in February after Hegseth said the U.S. would no longer play a role in the monthly meetings established by then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in April 2022 after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Since that February meeting, U.K. Defense Minister John Healey, and Germany's defense chief, Boris Pistorius, have run the show, with Hegseth only attending virtually last month. The pair will chair Wednesday's meeting as well. The Trump administration is continuing to ship weapons and equipment to Ukraine under a $61 billion aid package established by former President Joe Biden. The Ukraine gathering of defense ministers comes three weeks before many of them will come together once again for NATO's annual summit being held in The Netherlands on June 24-25. Leaders from across the alliance will attend that two-day event, including president Trump, who will likely command an outsize presence as European leaders wait for the administration's Europe and Russia policies to come into focus. Ambassador Whitaker said last month that the U.S. will begin talks with allies later this year about potential troop withdrawals from Europe, but that nothing has been decided. But during his first visit to NATO in February, Hegseth warned that the American military presence in Europe was "not forever," a comment that sent ripples of concern throughout the alliance. During that meeting, Hegseth also admonished European leaders for not spending enough on defense and controversially laid down a series of preconditions for Ukraine to meet before entering into peace talks with Russia, including forgoing an invitation to join NATO and not asking for a return to its pre-invasion borders.