logo
Appointed or elected, Boston School Committee needs more accountability

Appointed or elected, Boston School Committee needs more accountability

Boston Globe25-02-2025

While the debate over an elected vs. appointed school committee is important, the larger issue is accountability. Boston's families deserve a committee that represents them. Mayors in many cities across Massachusetts and the country serve as chairs of their communities' school committees, and perhaps it is time for Boston's mayor to do the same. That would be a meaningful first step toward real transparency and accountability.
Get The Gavel
A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr.
Enter Email
Sign Up
Jill Shah
Advertisement
Ross Wilson
Boston
Jill Shah and Ross Wilson, of the Shah Family Foundation, host 'Last Night At School Committee,' a podcast that provides an analysis of every Boston School Committee meeting.
Illusion of democracy is not enough
Why even have an appointed Boston School Committee, since the votes go the way the superintendent and mayor want? On the rare occasion when a committee member asks 'tough questions,' they are not answered in any meaningful way. So what's the point? Is it to give the illusion of democracy? Parents and students are allowed to speak — ever so briefly — but they are not really heard. Speakers are tolerated, then business continues. As both a teacher and parent in the Boston Public Schools, I live day and night with the not-so-benign neglect of this appointed committee. An elected school committee at least offers the chance of accountability. Maybe then the buses will run on time.
Michael J. Maguire
West Roxbury
Divisive rhetoric whitewashes history
Arguing for an undemocratic system in which, as Dever Elementary School parent Edna Vazquez put it, '
Advertisement
The editorial begins with two metaphors. In the first, the idea of an elected school committee is a bad penny. In the next, it's a vampire who needs a stake put through its heart. The editorial board goes on to label City Councilor Julia Mejia's proposal to abolish the current appointed committee and replace it with an elected one 'radical.' Such language jettisons respectful, deliberative dialogue. Instead, the editorial implicitly disparages voters across the city, who, in
Then there is the statement that 'those who pine for a return to an elected School Committee have little sense of history.' This claim only becomes true if one buries the actual
Democracy isn't a bad penny or a vampire. What's objectionable and dangerous are divisive rhetoric, whitewashed history, and systems that privilege executive power.
Mary Battenfeld
Jamaica Plain

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Watch Political News On-Demand & Real-Time Election Coverage
Watch Political News On-Demand & Real-Time Election Coverage

Time Business News

time5 hours ago

  • Time Business News

Watch Political News On-Demand & Real-Time Election Coverage

In the ever-evolving world of politics, staying informed is essential—not just for voters, but for students, analysts, and every concerned citizen. That's where comes in: a next-generation political reporting platform offering video-on-demand political content, real-time updates, and sharp insights into domestic and global events. Tired of biased headlines and clickbait journalism? delivers reliable breaking political news with an emphasis on factual reporting and balanced perspectives. Whether you're tracking a presidential campaign, legislative reform, or international diplomacy, this platform provides the clarity and depth you need. Get real-time updates and watch political news videos anytime, from any device—thanks to a streamlined and responsive video-on-demand (VOD) system. One of the platform's standout features is its political video content, available on-demand. With over a million followers on social platforms, the channel publishes exclusive interviews, daily briefings, and documentary-style clips—perfect for those who prefer watching over reading. High CPC Keywords Featured: Watch political commentary online Election campaign video coverage Dan Bongino FBI reform news Lily Tang Williams interview US political video updates Whether you lean conservative, libertarian, or independent, delivers curated news for audiences seeking alternatives to mainstream outlets. With consistent updates on major events like election cycles, policy shifts, SCOTUS rulings, and congressional debates, you'll always have context behind the headlines. It's a smart destination for: Students researching political science Small business owners tracking economic policies Voters preparing for local and federal elections 👉 Read their latest political commentary blog posts. covers high-interest, high-CPC topics including: US elections 2024 news Government policy changes FBI and CIA reform Second Amendment updates Free speech and censorship in media Global political conflicts These topics not only generate heavy traffic but are also critical to shaping public opinion. is more than just a website—it's a growing digital media brand with active communities on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. Subscribe or follow for real-time alerts and trending video content. Start watching exclusive political videos now → Watch on If you're serious about staying informed in today's chaotic political landscape, is your go-to source for truth-driven, timely, and thought-provoking reporting. Don't just skim headlines—dive into political analysis, understand the issues, and form your own opinions based on facts, not noise. 🔗 Visit now and elevate the way you consume political news. TIME BUSINESS NEWS

Mass. needs competitive pay for defense lawyers
Mass. needs competitive pay for defense lawyers

Boston Globe

time6 hours ago

  • Boston Globe

Mass. needs competitive pay for defense lawyers

Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up Legislators ought to listen to the committee. Ensuring that there are enough lawyers to uphold the constitutional right to representation enshrined in the Sixth Amendment should be a legislative priority. Whether in the state budget or in some other legislative vehicle, such as a supplemental budget, lawmakers should find a way to boost compensation rates across all categories of indigent defense, which span criminal, mental health, family law, and juvenile cases. Doing so would cost the state about $29 million annually. Advertisement Massachusetts' minimum bar advocate rate of $65 per hour is an outlier in New England. Maine's minimum rate is $150, New Hampshire's is $125 to $150, and Rhode Island's is $112 for most cases. Current rates in Massachusetts don't reflect the complexity of modern court cases, the overhead costs private attorneys pay out of pocket, or the state's sky-high cost of living. Advertisement The Senate's version of the budget does boost rates — but only for mental health appointments and Superior Court cases. The work stoppage is underscoring the critical work bar advocates produce. Since the stoppage began on May 27, the committee and its in-house counsel have struggled to provide attorneys for all clients that need them. Now, a slew of people accused of crimes are waiting, either in jails or out on bail — more than 150 people in Boston as of June 9, according to the Massachusetts Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers. These numbers are estimates, and bar advocate participation in the work stoppage varies between counties. But leaders agree that the number of unrepresented clients across Massachusetts is already in the hundreds and will continue to grow. Without representation, defendants are forced to stay in jail for days without arraignment, a violation of their constitutional rights. As early as next week, the Supreme Judicial Court may have to consider implementing the A shortage of bar advocates has put courts under pressure before. In 2019, Hampden County couldn't represent all of its clients, and a court instituted a day rate of $424 to incentivize additional private lawyers to handle arraignments. It was effective — and proved that low compensation really is a dissuasive factor for most private attorneys. Advertisement The legislature shouldn't wait for the crisis to deepen to provide a pay raise for bar advocates. Waiting to act will force more defendants to languish without representation, risking case mismanagement or pouring money into finding other private attorneys willing to do the work. This doesn't have to happen. The best way to solve this issue is to pay bar advocates fairly in the upcoming budget, allowing them to uphold the constitutional rights of their clients and ensuring due process across the Commonwealth. Editorials represent the views of the Boston Globe Editorial Board. Follow us

‘Where was God?' The Mother Emanuel AME Church shooting 10 years later.
‘Where was God?' The Mother Emanuel AME Church shooting 10 years later.

Boston Globe

time7 hours ago

  • Boston Globe

‘Where was God?' The Mother Emanuel AME Church shooting 10 years later.

Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up This was quite remarkable, because less than 48 hours earlier, on the night of June 17, 2015, Sanders had just closed her eyes in benediction — during Bible study at her beloved Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church — when she was jolted by an explosion of gunfire. The 57-year-old woman, a fourth-generation member of 'Mother Emanuel,' the oldest A.M.E. church in the South, dove under a table and pulled her 11-year-old granddaughter down with her. She squeezed the child so tightly she feared she might crush her, instructing her to play dead as a 21-year-old white supremacist methodically assassinated nine of the 12 Black worshippers in the basement fellowship hall. Those she watched die included her 26-year-old son, Tywanza Sanders, who had tried vainly to distract the shooter, and her 87-year-old aunt, Susie Jackson, who was shredded by 10 hollow-point bullets. At one point, Sanders smeared her legs with the blood pooling at her feet so that the killer might think he had finished her off. It worked. What happened in court two days later, a procession of forgiveness by Black victims for a remorseless racist murderer, both awed and befuddled the world. Many found it to be the purest expression of Christianity they had ever witnessed and could not imagine ever being graced in any such way. With the help of a soaring and melodic eulogy for the victims by President Barack Obama, the church known as Mother Emanuel soon became an earthly emblem of amazing grace. FILE - Tyrone Sanders and Felicia Sanders comfort each other at the graveside of their son, Tywanza Sanders, on June 27, 2015, at Emanuel AME Cemetery in Charleston, S.C. (Grace Beahm/The Post And Courier via AP, File) Grace Beahm/Associated Press Now fast-forward to December 2016. Felicia Sanders is back in court, the lead witness in the death penalty trial of Dylann Roof. She is under cross-examination by Roof's attorney, who is trying to establish that Roof threatened to kill himself that night, a desperate stab at a psychiatric defense. This time there is no nod by Sanders at forgiveness, no prayer for the soul of her son's unrepentant executioner. 'He say he was going to kill himself, and I was counting on that,' Sanders responds coolly in her Lowcountry lilt, glaring at Roof from the stand. 'He's evil. There's no place on earth for him except for the pit of hell.' Roof's lawyer, blindsided, tries once more to prompt Sanders about Roof's suicidality. She is having none of it: 'Send himself back to the pit of hell, I say.' Had something changed about Felicia Sanders? Had she, in the 18 months between the Emanuel murders and the trial, forsaken the commitment to forgiveness that was such a hallmark of her faith and that had so moved the world? Not in the slightest, I concluded, while researching a book about the history of Mother Emanuel and the meaning of forgiveness in the African American church. To the contrary, Sanders and other church stalwarts helped me understand that the forgiveness expressed toward Dylann Roof had not been for Dylann Roof but rather for themselves. Those who appeared at Roof's bond hearing did not speak for everyone in the congregation, or even in their families. A decade later, some still describe the path to forgiveness as a journey they travel at their own pace. But the grace volunteered in June 2015 grew organically from the fiber of African Methodism, a denomination two centuries old. It obviously had deep scriptural roots — 'Forgive us our trespasses' and 'Forgive them, for they know not what they do.' But it also was an iteration of a timeworn survival mechanism that has helped African American Christians withstand enslavement, forced migration, captivity, indentured servitude, segregation, discrimination, denial of citizenship, and the constant threat of racial and sexual violence with their souls and their sanity still, somehow, intact. One year after the shootings at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, S.C., relatives and friends of the slain gathered to honor their lives. Grace Beahm/Associated Press Churches like Emanuel, which has roots in antebellum Charleston, have long served as physical and spiritual refuges from the scourges that confront Black Americans. Its own long history, a two-century cycle of suppression and resistance, illuminates the relentless afflictions of caste in the city where nearly half of all enslaved Africans disembarked in North America and where the Civil War began. Emanuel's predecessor congregation, which formed in 1817 after a subversive walkout from Methodist churches by free and enslaved Black Charlestonians, faced immediate harassment from white authorities. The police raided services and jailed worshippers by the scores. When an incipient slave insurrection plot was uncovered in 1822 and traced back in part to the church, 35 men were led to the gallows, nearly half of them from the congregation. The wood-frame building was dismantled by order of the authorities and the church's leading ministers forced into exile. Emanuel's founding pastor after the Civil War, Richard Harvey Cain, used its pulpit as a springboard into politics, winning seats in the state legislature and Congress in a career that mirrored at first the heady hope and then the stolen promise of Reconstruction. During the depths of Jim Crow, Charlestonians assembled at Emanuel to voice outrage over lynchings and jurisprudential travesties. Its civil rights era pastor, Benjamin J. Glover, also led Charleston's NAACP, staged peaceful protest marches from the church, and was repeatedly jailed. Congregants were urged to action there by Booker T. Washington (1909), W.E.B. DuBois (1921), and Martin Luther King Jr. (1962), and then, a year after King's assassination, by his widow, Coretta Scott King (1969). She came to support a hospital workers' strike that bore eerie echoes of the sanitation workers' strike that had drawn her husband to Memphis. Nearly five decades later, the first person shot by Dylann Roof on June 17, 2015, was the Rev. Clementa Pinckney, a remarkable prodigy who had been the youngest African American elected to South Carolina's legislature and was serving his fourth term in the state Senate. A horse-drawn carriage carried the casket of the late South Carolina State Senator Clementa Pinckney past the Confederate flag and onto the grounds of the South Carolina State Capitol in Columbia, S.C. on June 24, 2015. REUTERS The weight of it all takes the breath away. And for many, forgiveness might seem an inadequate response, given available options like anger, bitterness, hatred, revenge, retribution. A more natural one, perhaps a more human one, might even be 'Where was God?' But in interviews over the years, each of the six family members who spoke mercifully toward Dylann Roof explained that they did so for their own spiritual release. They depicted the moment in mystical terms — unpremeditated, unexpected, the words just flowed, it was God talking. But none said they meant for their words to be read as a grant of exoneration or a pass from accountability. No slate had been wiped. Indeed, some did not care much whether Roof lived or died (he remains on federal death row in Indiana, one of three inmates whose sentences were not commuted to life in prison by President Joe Biden at the close of his term). Rather, the mothers and children and widowers of the dead described their brand of forgiveness as a purging of self-destructive toxins, a means for reversing the metastasis of rage, and at its most basic a way to get out of bed each morning in the face of it all. It served as an unburdening, not an undoing, a method not only of moral practice but of emotional self-preservation. Because the choice to forgive was one dignity that could not be taken away, it also served as a path to empowerment. It might be mistaken for submission, but in Charleston it resurrected agency for victims who had been robbed of it. 'He is not a part of my life anymore,' the Rev. Anthony Thompson, the widower of Bible study leader Myra Thompson, told me in explaining his forgiveness of Roof. 'Forgiveness has freed me of that, of him, completely. I'm not going to make him a lifetime partner.' This may be disconcerting for some white Americans who found reassurance in the notion that those who forgave Dylann Roof were, by association, also forgiving — or at least moving beyond — the four-century legacy of white supremacy that contributed to his poisoning. They decidedly were not, and the question of whether we make serious progress toward eradicating the psychosis of race in this country and the inequities it bequeaths in wealth, education, housing, justice, and health, not to mention hope, awaits an answer on the 50th or 100th anniversary of the massacre at Mother Emanuel.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store