Trump says he plans to speak with China's Xi Jinping on trade
US President Donald Trump said on Friday that he plans to speak with Chinese President Xi Jinping in an effort to resolve ongoing trade tensions between the two countries.
'I'm sure that I'll speak to President Xi, and hopefully we'll work that out,' Trump said during remarks at the White House, where he was joined by tech-mogul, Elon Musk, according to Reuters.
Earlier on Friday, Trump had accused China of not honouring part of a previous agreement made with the United States on trade.
The comments come as the US and China continue to face disagreements over tariffs and trade policy.
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His fans call him the captain, his admirers value his no-nonsense approach and his detractors despise him as a 'dhoti clad Modi in disguise' . Notwithstanding the praises and admonitions, the importance of being Pinarayi Vijayan is obvious. He is the lone chief minister of the Left in India and the most important face of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). And now octogenarian Vijayan is vying for a third consecutive term after creating history of sorts, when his government was voted back to power in 2021. At a time when the Left in India is gasping for breath and the right juggernaut continues unabated, Left rule in Kerala has become all the more important not just for its sympathisers, but for all who seek an alternative to majoritarianism. Over nine years in power, how much of an alternative did Pinarayi Vijayan provide for the rest of the country to emulate? 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The communist leaders who led the party in government have always had to walk a tightrope, balancing ideology and practical compulsions, necessitated by working under a practically centralised government. When the first communist government, led by E.M.S Nambodiripad invited G.D. Birla to invest in the state, offering him natural resources at throwaway prices, questions were raised from some quarters alleging 'ideological deviations' against the then CPI(M) government. The ideological dilemma of working under a capitalist system and pursuing a 'revolutionary programme' has been the hallmark of almost all Left governments. Vijayan has attempted to overcome this dilemma, first as the secretary of the CPI(M) and now as the chief minister. He jettisoned ideological pretensions and chose pragmatism as the guiding principle. Leaving aside ideological baggage and renouncing revolutionary rhetoric for all practical purposes, Vijayan led the party to imbibe the narrative on development accepted and propagated by all other mainstream political parties. This is visible by the development document he presented at CPI(M) state conference s and the slew of policy measures his government initiated, including welcoming foreign capital in the industry and education sectors. That he was able to push his party into accepting these big policy changes without any dissension points either to his strangulating hold over the party or the ideological void among the cadres. But, in the end, this 'policy shift' should be seen as a way out of the dilemma the party faced whenever it was elected to rule under an antagonising central government. This can be construed as the inability of the Left to have an alternative development policy for the state while working within a capitalist system. 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The handling of political dissidents and the knee-jerk reactions on various social and political issues by the government and the party have inadvertently or otherwise emboldened the Sangh parivar's ideological campaigns. The Sangh agenda Let us look at some instances when the Sangh agenda has reflected in Vijayan's actions 1. Maoist killing During the first five years in rule, seven Maoists were killed by the Kerala police. Civil society and human rights groups alleged that these ultra-leftists were gunned down in fake encounters. The CPI(M)-appointed fact-finding mission corroborated the stand taken by the human rights groups. But the government did not budge and no worthwhile actions were taken. Bharatiya Janata Party and the Sangh parivar defended the government. 2. Economic Reservation Vijayan-led Left Democratic Front was the first government to introduce upper-caste reservation camouflaged as economic reservations. This has strengthened the anti-caste reservation campaign often unleashed by Sangh parivar groups 3. Islamophobia The last Lok Sabha election saw BJP opening its account in Kerala and a sizeable increase in its vote share, especially among the Ezhava community , which has hitherto been the bedrock of the CPI(M). The political shift of a significant section of the Hindu voters, who had earlier put their faith in CPI(M), has raised alarm bells within the left circles. CPI(M) thought of overcoming this by intensifying political attacks against Muslim organisations, including the Muslim League, which is part of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), and Jamaat-e-Islami. At one point, the CPI(M) politburo member A. Vijayaraghavan alleged that Congress leaders Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi won elections from Wayanad with the support of Muslim fundamentalists. This statement was used by the BJP to target Congress. The continuous virulent attack against Muslim organisations created a political atmosphere conducive for the Sangh parivar to carry out their anti-Muslim campaign. 'The land of three internal enemies' The most severe attack against the Vijayan government came from the police. Even left sympathisers alleged that a section of the police officers are showing allegiance to Sangh parivar. Those who criticised the police policy got shot in the arm when reports of a secret meeting between ADGP Ajith Kumar and RSS leader Dattatreya Hosable and Ram Madhav came out. Though the secret meeting raised huge controversy, no action has been taken against the police officer. When Sree Narayana Darma Paripala (SNDP) Yogam General Secretary Vellappally Natesan spewed communal venom against the Muslim majority Malappuram district by describing it as a place where Muslim domination has pushed other Ezhava community to the sidelines, it invited huge condemnation. But chief minister Vijayan came to the rescue of the SNDP leader by praising him 'as a leader who does not take a stand against any particular community and also praised his social service. For RSS and the Sangh organisations, Kerala is a land where all three 'internal enemies' – the Muslims, the Christians and the Communists – as elucidated by RSS ideologue MS Golwalkar, have a significant presence. Hence, the RSS attached great importance to 'conquering' Kerala, as this would be construed as subjugating the 'internal enemies.' Notwithstanding the BJP's poor electoral performance, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is running more than 5.000 shakhas in Kerala – more than the number in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat! Left parties, especially the CPI(M), were in the forefront in scuttling the pernicious methods employed by the Sangh in the state. Vijayan was vociferous and unrelenting in his fight against the Sangh parivar. But skeptics maintain that there is a marked change in his approach since he became chief minister. Over the last nine years, the RSS has been able to spread its tentacles widely, using, among other things, the politically lethargic attitude of the government. What effect will this lackadaisical approach of the Left have on Kerala polity? The 2026 Assembly election, in all probability, will tell. N.K. Bhoopesh is a journalist and columnist based in Kochi, Kerala.
