Namibia's 'Founding Father' Sam Nujoma dies aged 95
STORY: ::Namibia's president announces the death of the nation's
'Founding Father' Sam Nujoma at the age of 95
'It is therefore with utmost sorrow and sadness, that I make the announcement this morning, the 9th of February 2025. To the Namibian people, our African brothers and sisters, and to the world at large about the passing of our revered freedom fighter and the revolutionary leader, his excellency Dr. Sam Shafiishuna Nujoma'.
::Windhoek, Namibia
:: February 9, 2025
Nujoma was born in a village in northwestern Namibia in 1929, when his country was under South African administration. South Africa had controlled Namibia since World War One after a brutal few decades of German colonial rule remembered for the genocide of the Herero and Nama people.
Nujoma rose to head the thinly populated southern African country on March 21, 1990 and was formally recognised as "Founding Father of the Namibian Nation" through a 2005 act of parliament.
Nujoma served his three terms as president from 1990 to 2005 and sought to project himself as a unifying leader bridging political divides, in a country scarred by the legacy of apartheid and German colonial rule.
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National Geographic
an hour ago
- National Geographic
How one woman is inspiring a new future for Africa's nomadic herders
Awa Sow, a community leader in Senegal's Ferlo reserve, is finding new ways to involve Fulani women in local herding groups and government. Photographs by Robin Hammond Long before European powers carved up West Africa and independent African states inherited their contemporary borders, a great nomadic tradition began—one that continues and evolves today. Around November, as the rainy season ends and the southern fringes of the Sahara desert begin to dry and brown again, hundreds of thousands of Fulani herders gather to drive millions of cattle, goats, and sheep toward cooler subtropical savannas. This annual movement has made the Fulani one of the largest nomadic groups on Earth, but it has also helped exclude them from politics: Despite their large numbers, the transient herders are less likely to be counted by states. An added obstacle to representation is the fact that many of the region's governments are more invested in farming than herding. That diminished political sway makes it hard to press for herders' interests in controlling the land, routes, and resources that they depend on. While there are large populations of Fulani people in places like Mali and Nigeria, many of these herders are living in constant jeopardy. (Discover more about Fulani herders and how they're reshaping their traditions.) Fulani herders raise cattle, goats, and sheep, which they move across vast distances to find the grasslands and water necessary to sustain their livestock. In Chad, near the city of Dourbali, a family moves livestock while carrying supplies including dried calabashes used to store fresh milk. In northern Senegal, on the vast Ferlo reserve, a different model of political participation has taken shape for the Fulani—and a galvanizing community leader is offering herders a fresh way to think about how problems might be solved. Her name is Awa Sow, an organizer whose decades of work have earned her respect and also rare authority. 'Awa is a woman warrior with unique authority in this region,' says Aliou Samba Ba, the leader of an influential herders association on the reserve. 'Anyone who wants to organize a successful activity in her area—whether political, development, cultural, or religious—has to pass by her.' And Sow foresees a very different future for the Fulani on the Ferlo reserve. Here, Fulani herders have political representation. As a result, in recent years the government has invested in rural development and boosting livestock production and trade. This has helped these Fulani avoid the conflict experienced in other areas. But rainfall levels are dropping, killing off native grasses and putting more pressure on water resources. Now, instead of whole families joining the seasonal migration, it is mostly the men who depart on donkey carts loaded with goods and supplies for ever longer trips, leaving women and children behind in arid villages. Sow's efforts, undertaken through the litany of programs and initiatives she leads, aim to engage those women—and perhaps create the kind of political system that could be a useful model for communities far beyond Ferlo. Usmaan Soh, 27, lives in Senegal with his wives (from left), Naana and Kura, and their children, Hadraan Usman and Haawa Kura. Sow, 63, lives in Barkedji, a rural community of roughly 25,000 people located in the northern part of the reserve. She holds no official governmental role, in part because her influence has grown far beyond that. The problems facing seminomadic Fulani across the region are complex, so her solutions attack them from different directions. Croatia's oldest coastal town One way has been rethinking how Fulani women can participate in politics to help them exert more control over their precious resources. When men leave the Ferlo reserve, for instance, it often diminishes the power of women. As warming temperatures have forced herders to go farther south to keep their livestock watered and fed, men are now gone even longer, coming back to the villages only a few months each year. Over time, that disappearance led Sow to challenge conventional assumptions about who should be leading discussions. 'Why should the women of Barkedji do so much work at home,' she says, 'and then have no input when decisions get made?' The eldest of nine, Sow grew up in a herding household in Barkedji, where she developed a deep appreciation for the beauty of her community's traditions. To care for her siblings, she learned to work together with other girls who collected wood for fires or carried water from nearby wells. At age 18, she married a man who taught her to view that collective power in another way. He was the chief of staff to the president of Senegal's main legislative body, the National Assembly, and encouraged her to travel to different compounds, where she pounded millet with women while persuading them to attend political assemblies and vote. 'If you don't participate in a meeting, you won't be informed,' she remembers telling them. 'If the information doesn't come to you, you must go find it.' There wasn't an established school within the commune when Sow was growing up, and she remained illiterate until her early 30s. After being elected to a rural governing council, she learned to read and write, and then focused more on local land law. The Ferlo, a 4,700-square-mile swath of protected land and buffer areas, exists as a protected zone today because it was developed for livestock breeding during the country's French occupation, when the government invested in wells and forbade commercial farming in hopes of encouraging more livestock production. Since Senegal's independence in 1960, seminomadic herders have continued to use resources along a string of human-made oases lining their migration routes. Now 300,000 herders are scattered across villages there. (How these women are facing the end of their way of life: herding.) Sow eventually directed the creation of local committees that work with the Senegalese government to manage regional water rights and shared herding corridors. Along the way, she encouraged more women to be appointed to top positions within those agencies. 'If the grasses are damaged, the women suffer just as much as the men,' she says, 'so they have a responsibility to manage these resources together.' Sow, shown at center in light blue, leads a discussion with female farmers at her home. They belong to an organization she founded called National Directorate of Women in Livestock, which offers loans to help the women run their own businesses. Members gain leadership experience that may translate into future opportunities. In addition to working on more active land management, Sow has focused on a counterintuitive way to safeguard traditional herding practices: creating more opportunity for those who stay behind. Many of the area's teenage girls and women in their early 20s are unemployed and not in school, so she launched a women's herding association that now comprises 1,500 local women and more than 5,000 across the region. The group has backed local initiatives to plant community gardens that can offer a reliable source of food and more shared income, and helped families in need gain access to health insurance. And it set up a $25,000 mutual aid fund for unexpected community needs. All of this has led to a new kind of cycle. For instance, Barkedji's first female deputy mayor, Diouma Sow (no relation to Awa), initially joined the herder association, which gave her the political experience to seek a series of higher and more influential roles. 'We want our children to be educated,' Diouma Sow says. 'And we also want our women to be autonomous and active in the local economy.' (Around the world, women are taking charge of their future.) Today, one of Awa Sow's most critical efforts may seem contradictory to the tradition of seminomadic herding. She's invested in small-scale ranching, which may offer a more dependable stream of income as the challenges of migratory herding deepen. This past dry season, Sow hired a herder to lead 45 cows and 300 sheep on the annual migration. The practice is common among wealthier Fulani. However, as she's done in recent years, she also kept part of her herd—five cows and 140 sheep—behind in pastures year-round. As she sees it, this separation doesn't undermine the ancient nomadic practice. It provides a new model for how the classic lifestyle can remain sustainable, hedging against any troubles that may befall the animals during their migration. 'Herders need to change their methods and strategies,' she says plainly. The idea originated from a meeting in 2017, when she and other community leaders spoke with Senegal's minister of livestock, who publicly raised concerns that drier rainy seasons were making conditions more difficult for herders. Native grasses that livestock rely on were disappearing. The official suggested that one way forward might be to grow climate-resistant crops that could generate a stockpile of animal feed as a defense against longer dry seasons. Other herders stormed out, clearly offended at an idea that resembled traditional farming. But Sow was intrigued. Several years ago, she fenced off enough space on her land for some of her sheep and cows to stay put year-round and plotted a 100-square-foot nursery to grow heat-resistant, nutrient-rich grasses like maralfalfa, which, when dried, is a cheap and plentiful alternative to wild vegetation. Fulani herders visit a cattle market in Dahra, a community of 45,000 people in central Senegal. Markets like this, where the Fulani sell their livestock, represent a vital point of connection between Fulani communities and the regional economies. The concept proved valuable in a different way during a recent rainy season, when a surprise cold snap dumped frigid rains and hail throughout the area. Sow ushered a flock of her sheep from the open fields back to her compound, where they could eat the grasses she'd grown and dried. Only one out of the 140 animals died. The other group was less fortunate because the sheep were in a more remote part of the reserve and had to shelter in place without food. Out of 300 animals, about 70 perished. The experience hardened Sow's conviction that diverse ways of raising livestock remain herders' best shield against climate change. She has since helped design and finance a grant project to introduce young herders to small-scale ranching. Grantees now receive eight sheep to keep in an enclosed pen, along with animal feed, water dispensers, and access to veterinary care. They can sell the animals but must reinvest profits in more livestock for two years. One grantee, a 28-year-old single mother of two, recently sold eight sheep and used the profits to buy nine younger ones. She planned to repeat the process again in a few months and was setting aside part of her garden to grow forage crops. Clearly, not every one of these strategies will work outside the Ferlo, where many Fulani still struggle for rights and resources. But over the past 15 years, Sow's work alongside the government has helped communities drill dozens of new wells, build better schools and health facilities, and secure bank loans for buying animals. Last November, in the days before an important parliamentary election, one of the leading candidates visited with an entourage that included security guards, tom-tom drummers, and a couple of traditional praise singers called griots, who opened the discussion by offering an oral history about Sow herself. 'Families once wished for a boy first,' one proclaimed melodically. 'But Awa, firstborn, is a great source of pride. Awa changed everything. She showed us that one woman can do what a thousand men cannot.' On election day, Awa glided into the courtyard at a nearby secondary school to cast her vote. 'Before, women didn't even come vote. It didn't interest them,' she says. 'But when you look at the lines today, things have changed.' More than half the people at the polls were women, which Awa considers her greatest accomplishment. A version of this story appears in the July 2025 issue of National Geographic magazine. A policy expert on Africa's Sahel region, Hannah Rae Armstrong traveled from her home in Dakar to Senegal's Ferlo reserve to profile Awa Sow, who leads a transformative women's herding association. She also writes for Foreign Affairs, MIT Technology Review, and Le Monde. An Explorer since 2019 and Barcelona-based photographer, Robin Hammond documented the traditions and challenges of nomadic Fulani people in communities across Chad, Niger, Cameroon, Ghana, Senegal, and elsewhere. The nonprofit National Geographic Society, committed to illuminating and protecting the wonder of our world, funded Explorer Robin Hammond's work. Learn more about the Society's support of Explorers.
Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Miami Herald
Hamas Takes Aim at Rival ‘Outcast' Group Amid Gaza Infighting
A senior Hamas official has slammed a rival Palestinian militia in Gaza, telling Newsweek the group has received direct support from Israel and has ties to the Islamic State militant group (ISIS) and criminal organizations. The opposition faction, known as the Popular Forces and led by Rafah native Yasser Abu Shabab, has entered the spotlight in recent weeks for its open calls to challenge Hamas' authority in Gaza some 20 months into its war with Israel. The Popular Forces' rise has been surrounded with controversy as current and former Israeli officials had claimed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was actively backing the group to undermine Hamas from within its territory—an allegation confirmed by the premier himself on Thursday. The Popular Forces have denied any connection, claiming they operated under the mandate of the West Bank-based Palestinian National Authority (PA). The group has previously been accused of looting humanitarian assistance throughout the conflict, while former Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman has claimed that the Popular Forces had also fostered ties with ISIS. As Abu Shabab and his militia continue to fend off the allegations, Basem Naim, Hamas Political Bureau member and spokesperson, asserted that the group had little influence in Gaza, marking an apparent blow to Israel's efforts to challenge Hamas' rule in the territory. "For more than 20 months, Israel has failed to create a Palestinian alternative to the resistance to achieve its goals in Gaza, whether by creating chaos or administering the Gaza Strip," Naim told Newsweek. "Now, it is trying again, through a group of criminals and extremists, to create an alternative." "This group is ostracized among Palestinians," he added, "some of whom are agents, others drug dealers, thieves, or extremists linked to ISIS." Naim argued "Israel will not succeed again" in its strategy, " as they forget [German physicist Albert] Einstein's definition of insanity: "using the same inputs and expecting different outputs." "These groups pose no threat to anyone and are Palestinian outcasts," Naim said. "The only thing they are capable of is murder and banditry." Newsweek has reached out to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Popular Forces for comment. The Popular Forces first garnered media coverage in May 2024 as the IDF conducted an offensive in the southern city of Rafah. It has sometimes operated under the title of the "Counter-Terrorism Service." In a December interview with The New York Times, Abu Shabab acknowledged that his group had been involved in stealing humanitarian aid from convoys after being accused by multiple truck drivers, aid workers and locals. He argued then that these actions were undertaken out of a necessity to survive at a time when Hamas also stood accused of raiding supplies and reselling them to raise funds, something Hamas has denied. The European Council on Foreign Relations think tank describes the Popular Forces as a "Palestinian armed group and criminal gang," estimated to have "have several hundred members, drawn primarily from Abu Shabab's clan which has reported ties to ISIS." Hamas, on the other hand, is estimated by the IDF to have had a pre-war strength of around 30,000 fighters. Lieberman, now head of the Yisrael Beiteinu opposition party, was the first to draw a purported connection between the Popular Forces and ISIS, which has a presence in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula that borders Gaza, during an interview on Thursday with Israel's Kan Bet radio station. Lieberman described the Popular Forces and its leader as being linked to the Hamasha clan, referring to them as "lawless criminals who in recent years wanted to give themselves an ideological angle or spin, so they became Salafi and began identifying with ISIS." He warned that any weapons delivered by Israel to the Popular Forces "will eventually be turned against us." French newspaper Le Monde reported that Abu Shabab was a prominent member of the Bedouin Tarabin tribe, which is present in both Gaza and Sinai. Allegations of ties between the Popular Forces and ISIS have also since been voiced by other prominent Israeli opposition figures such as Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid and The Democrats head Yair Golan. Following Lieberman's revelation, Netanyahu downplayed the notion of his former minister having leaked information, acknowledging that "on the advice of security officials, we activated clans in Gaza that oppose Hamas." "What is bad about that?" Netanyahu said in a video posted to social media on Thursday. "It is only good. It is saving lives of Israeli soldiers." The Popular Forces have repeatedly denied receiving support from Israel. In a post to a Facebook page attributed to the group that same day, the Popular Forces warned that "Israeli media has published false allegations claiming that our Popular Forces received weapons from the occupation." "We categorically reject these accusations and consider them a blatant attempt to distort the image of a grassroots force born from suffering—one that stood up to injustice, looting, and corruption," the group said. "Our weapons are simple, outdated, and came through the support of our own people," the group added, "through the sacrifices of families, the donations of civilians, and the determination of young men who found no other way but to protect the aid from being stolen and to defend the families of eastern Rafah." Abu Shabab reiterated this denial during an interview published Sunday with IDF Radio, though he did not rule out the potential for coordination on humanitarian issues. He also rejected alleged ties with ISIS, saying such "rumors are intended to damage our reputation and create a situation of hostility between us and Israel and the Arab countries." Abu Shabab's open calls for civilians to seek protection from his group and oppose Hamas have made him and his organization a target for Gaza's most powerful faction. Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Abu Shabab was arrested by Hamas for a time until managing to escape amid Israeli airstrikes. A number of Popular Forces personnel have also reportedly been killed and detained by Hamas, including in operations conducted in recent days. A Quds News Network report published Monday and shared with Newsweek by Naim stated that a Popular Forces member with the initials "A.N." and described as Abu Shabab's right-hand man had been arrested, accused of killing a police officer before the start of the war in Gaza and of colluding with Israel. A report by Palestinian outlet Al-Resalah described the detainee as a "takfiri"— a term used by critics to describe adherents of extremist interpretations of Salafi Islam, such as ISIS—who had previously traveled to Sinai, according to unnamed security sources. The report also identified another leading member of the Popular Forces as Ghassan al-Dahini, who was said to have pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2015 and to have participated in the March 2007 kidnapping of BBC News journalist Alan Johnston, who was released that July. While Hamas and ISIS are both widely viewed as Islamist militant groups designated terrorist organizations by Israel and the United States, they clash ideologically and often condemn one another. The former has its roots as an offshoot of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood movement in the 1980s and seeks to establish an Islamist Palestinian state in place of Israel, while the latter emerged from Al-Qaeda in Iraq in the early 2010s, seeking to establish a multinational caliphate spanning vast territory across Africa, Asia and Europe. Since taking over Gaza in a violent rift with the PA's leading nationalist Fatah faction in 2007, Hamas has sought to suppress Salafi jihadi groups tied to Al-Qaeda and ISIS. Amid the current war, sparked by a Hamas-led surprise attack against Israel in October 2023, Hamas has coalesced with groups across a broad ideological spectrum, from fellow Islamists to far-leftists. They include Palestinian Islamic Jihad; the Popular Resistance Committees; the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine; the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine; the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine—General Command; the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades; and the Palestinian Mujahideen Movement. These factions have increasingly participated in joint operations against the IDF, and the coalition has thus far largely withstood wartime pressure. At the same time, following several instances of rare protests among Gaza residents calling for Hamas to end the war, pressure has also built on the group to produce results amid deadlocked negotiations being mediated by the United States, Egypt and Qatar. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine recently urged Hamas "to intensify efforts, in cooperation with the Arab mediators, to reach an agreement to halt the aggression—even if only for 60 days." A spokesperson for the group later told Newsweek that the message "was an attempt by us to reach a 'partial step' that would guarantee a ceasefire, open the crossings, and meet the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people in Gaza because we observed that living conditions had worsened and that the specter of famine was beginning to loom large." Meanwhile, Netanyahu has also faced mounting pressure from the international community and domestic voices to reach a ceasefire. But with talks being hosted in Qatar dragging on without a breakthrough, Israel and the United States have yet to outline a clear plan for what Gaza's postwar governance would look like despite asserting that Hamas would have to be removed from power. Israeli Deputy Consul General in New York Tsach Saar has previously told Newsweek that neither Hamas nor Israel would be in control of Gaza in a postwar landscape. Last week, he reiterated this stance, telling Newsweek that "it's not for us to determine who is going to be there the day after [the war is over]." "We are making sure that it's not going to be Hamas," Saar said. "And when Hamas is defeated, we will have to work together with our allies, with regional countries, surrounding countries, neighboring countries to find a solution for the day after." President Donald Trump's administration has said relatively little about its ally's announced ties to the Popular Forces in Gaza. U.S. State Department deputy spokesperson Thomas Pigott declined to delve into the specifics of the issue when asked by reporters on Thursday but reiterated the broader U.S. policy on the conflict. "What I can say is our approach and our policy remains that we stand with Israel, and we stand for peace," Pigott said. "And those are our goals that we want to see." In addition to providing Israel with extensive military and political support throughout the war, the U.S. has also backed the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation as the only organization approved by Israel to distribute aid in the territory. While an unnamed diplomatic official cited by CNN on Sunday claimed that Abu Shabab had established some level of direct or indirect contact with the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, the organization denied any connection in comments shared with the outlet. Related Articles Hamas Ally Calls on Group to Accept 'Partial' Ceasefire in GazaGreta Thunberg Boat Tracker as 'Freedom Flotilla' Sails Toward GazaHamas Says US Ceasefire Veto Violates 'American Values'Israel Fears Arms Race in Fight to Remain Middle East's Only Nuclear Power 2025 NEWSWEEK DIGITAL LLC.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
President of Ghana Joins Board of Global Center on Adaptation
Rotterdam/Nairobi, June 10, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- The Global Center on Adaptation (GCA) today announced that His Excellency John Dramani Mahama, President of the Republic of Ghana, has joined its Board. He joins a distinguished group of global leaders - including Mia Amor Mottley, Prime Minister of Barbados; Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of Tanzania; William Samoei Ruto, President of Kenya and Hilda Heine, President of the Marshall Islands - committed to advancing climate adaptation as an urgent development and economic priority. President Mahama's appointment comes as GCA deepens its work across Africa through its flagship Africa Adaptation Acceleration Program, which has shaped over $15 billion in adaptation investments in 40 countries. With the opening of its new headquarters in Nairobi this year, GCA continues to scale up local action in agriculture, resilient infrastructure, youth entrepreneurship, and climate finance. As the world transitions from ambition to implementation, GCA Board members like President Mahama will be central in ensuring adaptation is treated not as a cost, but as an engine of growth, equity, and resilience. Accepting his appointment, President John Dramani Mahama of Ghana stated: ' 'I am deeply honoured to accept my appointment to the Board of the Global Centre on Adaptation today. Climate change is not a distant threat; it is an urgent crisis that is already undermining Africa's development and jeopardising our collective future. As I join this esteemed institution, I will amplify the voices of African leaders and communities demanding greater investment in climate adaptation. The world must recognise that adaptation is not a choice but a necessity for our continent, which bears the brunt of climate impacts while contributing the least to its causes. To our development partners: Africa's adaptation ambitions require your steadfast support. We call for increased financing, technology transfer, and collaborative action to build resilience across our vulnerable nations. The time for pledges has passed; the time for delivery is now. Together, we can safeguard Africa's future and ensure that climate justice becomes a cornerstone of global solidarity." Commenting on the announcement, Macky Sall, Chair of the Global Center on Adaptation and Fourth President of Senegal said: 'President Mahama's return to leadership comes at a critical moment for Africa and the world. His deep experience, unwavering commitment to sustainable development, and proven ability to deliver impact on the ground will be a major asset to the GCA Board. Together, we will work to elevate adaptation as an economic and moral imperative, ensuring that Africa's leadership lights the path toward a more resilient future for all.' Professor Patrick V. Verkooijen, President and CEO of GCA, added: 'President Mahama exemplifies how bold political leadership and integrated national strategies can accelerate climate adaptation. His holistic approach—combining finance innovation, agricultural resilience, youth engagement, and governance reform—will elevate our Board's ability to translate global ambition into local impact, especially in Africa.' With President Mahama's leadership and the backing of other sitting and former heads of state on its Board, GCA is climate-proofing development across Africa and beyond—anchored by its new presence in Nairobi and a growing global mandate for action. CONTACT: Alexandra Gee Global Center on Adaptation +447887804594 in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data
