logo
Thai officials seize over 200 tons of electronic waste illegally imported from the US

Thai officials seize over 200 tons of electronic waste illegally imported from the US

Time of India15-05-2025

Thai officials seize over 200 tons of electronic waste illegally imported from the US
Thai officials said Wednesday they seized 238 tons of illegally imported electronic waste from the United States at the port of Bangkok, one of the biggest lots they've found this year.
The waste, which came in 10 large containers, was declared as mixed metal scrap but turned out to be circuit boards mixed in a huge pile of metal scrap, said Theeraj Athanavanich, director-general of the Customs Department. It was found Tuesday in a random inspection.
A UN report last year said electronic waste is piling up worldwide. Some 62 million tons of electronic waste was generated in 2022 and that figure is on track to reach 82 million tons by 2030, the report said.
It said only 22% of the waste was properly collected and recycled in 2022 and that quantity is expected to fall to 20% by the end of the decade due to higher consumption, limited repair options, shorter product life cycles, and inadequate management infrastructure.
Theeraj said Thai authorities are looking to press charges including falsely declaring imported goods, illegally importing electronic waste and planning to return the waste to its country of origin.
'It's important that we take action on this kind of goods,' he said. 'There are environmental impacts that are dangerous to the people, especially communities around factories that might import these things for processing, then recycling.'
Electronic waste creates huge health hazards. Many components are laden with lead and mercury, cadmium and other toxins. Recyclers are after gold, silver, palladium and copper, mainly from printed circuit boards, but lax controls mean that facilities often burn plastics to release encased copper and use unsafe methods to extract precious metals.
Thailand passed a ban on the import of a range of electronic waste products in 2020. The Cabinet in February approved an expanded list of the banned waste.
Sunthron Kewsawang, deputy director-general of the Department of Industrial Works, said officials suspected at least two factories in Samut Sakhon province, which borders Bangkok, are involved in importing the waste.
In January, the Customs Department said it seized 256 tons of illegally imported electronic waste from Japan and Hong Kong at a port in eastern Thailand.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Israel recovers bodies of two hostages from Gaza
Israel recovers bodies of two hostages from Gaza

The Hindu

time2 hours ago

  • The Hindu

Israel recovers bodies of two hostages from Gaza

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Wednesday (June 11, 2025) that the bodies of two hostages had been recovered from Gaza by the military and the domestic intelligence agency, the Shin Bet. Also Read | Israel retrieves the body of a Thai hostage as 95 people are reported killed in Gaza Mr. Netanyahu said in a statement that the body of hostage Yair Yaakov had been retrieved, along with that of another hostage whose identity has not been cleared for publication. The Israeli military said militants from the Palestinian group Islamic Jihad abducted and killed Yaakov during the October 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel. Militants also took Yaakov's partner, Meirav Tal, and two of his children, Or and Yagil, hostage but later released them, the military said. Yaakov was 59 at the time of his death. The military said it notified the family of the second hostage whose body it recovered, adding that it retrieved the bodies in the Khan Younis area of southern Gaza. There are 53 hostages still being held in Gaza, with fewer than half believed to be alive. The latest recovery brings to five the number of hostage bodies retrieved by Israeli forces so far this month. Hamas and other militants from Gaza abducted 251 people during the 2023 attack in which about 1,200 people in Israel were killed. Israel's retaliatory war against Hamas in Gaza has killed nearly 55,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health authorities.

The ‘Global shadow pandemic' we still don't talk about
The ‘Global shadow pandemic' we still don't talk about

Time of India

time16 hours ago

  • Time of India

The ‘Global shadow pandemic' we still don't talk about

She is a tech entrepreneur, author, and relentless advocate for gender equality in STEM and beyond. Over the past 20 years, she had immersed herself in the fast-paced world of technology and AI, building innovative products and leading initiatives that challenge the status quo. LESS ... MORE If one-third of men worldwide were being assaulted, it would be declared a global emergency. So why isn't it – when that's the reality for women? Violence against women and girls is not a sidebar to global crises. It is the crisis. And it's been going on long before COVID, conflicts, or climate collapse. Gender-based violence (GBV) is the world's oldest, quietest, and deadliest pandemic, a daily emergency hiding in plain sight. More than one in three women globally have experienced physical or sexual violence in their lifetime. Let that sink in. This figure hasn't changed much in decades, despite increased awareness and policy talk. From domestic abuse and sexual assault to child marriage, trafficking, female genital mutilation and online harassment, the forms of violence vary, but the pattern doesn't. Across cultures, classes, and countries, being female still comes with a built-in risk factor. How can women fully participate in society or enjoy their rights if they cannot even feel safe in their own homes or communities? The most dangerous place for a woman? Home. Not long ago, I found my house help standing in the kitchen, arm swollen, face bruised, silence louder than any scream. Her husband, an addict, had beaten her again. For money. When I asked why she stayed, she said, 'Where will I go with my children? A woman without a man isn't just judged, she lives under the weight of every prying eye.' This is not an isolated story. It's the everyday reality for millions of women, some visible, many invisible. And the most damning part? The system expects them to endure. We often frame safety in terms of war or street crime. But for women, the front line is usually home. According to the UN, 137 women are killed every day by a family member. That's one woman murdered every 11 minutes, by someone she likely trusted. This isn't poetic metaphor. It's femicide. And it makes clear that the so-called 'war on women' is more than a slogan; in many places, it's a chilling reality. In 2022, only 57% of women across 139 countries felt safe walking alone at night in their neighbourhood, according to the SDG Gender Index. Which means nearly half the world's women feel unsafe just… existing. Alone. After dark. And, crises don't create misogyny, they expose it Violence doesn't pause for a pandemic or war. In fact, crises accelerate it. During COVID-19 lockdowns, domestic violence helplines reported a 30–50% surge in calls as women were trapped with their abusers. In conflict zones, from Ukraine to Tigray, rape is still used as a weapon of war. And after natural disasters like floods or wildfires, domestic abuse spikes dramatically. One Australian study after the 2009 bushfires, found that women in affected areas reported significantly higher rates of abuse. The formula is disturbingly predictable: stress, instability, displacement, and broken safety nets become breeding grounds for violence. Where systems crack, misogyny leaks in. Patriarchy writes the rules, and women pay the price At its core, gender-based violence is powered by unequal power – structural, cultural, and legal. In societies where men's authority is unquestioned and women's subservience is expected, violence becomes normalised. Take this: more than one in four countries still don't have explicit laws protecting women from domestic violence. In some places, marital rape isn't even considered a crime. In others, rapists can escape punishment by marrying their victims. These aren't legal loopholes. They are permission slips. Even where laws exist, they're often toothless. Survivors face stigma, disbelief, and a justice system more interested in their character than their complaint. Globally, less than 40% of women who experience violence report it or seek help, not because it's rare, but because justice feels out of reach. And then there's the culture: 'Why didn't she leave?' 'What was she wearing?' 'Why did she provoke him?' Questions like these aren't just ignorant – they're complicit. A broken system that costs lives, and billions This isn't just a women's issue. It's a societal collapse in slow motion. The World Bank estimates that intimate partner violence alone costs countries around 3% of their GDP, as much as diseases like HIV/AIDS. Survivors lose jobs, education, health, and social networks. Children exposed to violence carry emotional trauma for life and are more likely to replicate it. Even peace is at risk. Research shows that the best predictor of a country's peacefulness is how it treats its women. Where women are unsafe, societies are unstable. Laws are not enough. Culture needs surgery There's no denying progress. The global response to #MeToo made sexual violence a mainstream issue. More countries are outlawing street harassment and even marital rape. Grassroots activism is louder than ever. But laws on paper mean nothing if they're unfunded, unenforced, or undermined. Here's what real progress must look like: Make laws that scare abusers, not survivors Every form of GBV should be criminalised: from physical assault to digital stalking and economic abuse. Police, prosecutors, and judges need gender-sensitive training, and fast-tracked GBV courts can help survivors get justice without being re-traumatised. Shelters aren't luxury, they're lifelines Shelters, hotlines, trauma counselling, legal aid, these aren't optional. They're critical infrastructure. And yet in many countries, there are only a handful of safe houses for millions of women. That's not just neglect. It's structural indifference. Raise better boys before we raise the next law We need gender education in schools. Boys and girls must learn about consent, respect, and relationships that don't rely on power or control. Public campaigns must flip the blame from victim to perpetrator, where it belongs. Call out the power brokers who excuse violence When a politician jokes about sexual assault or a religious leader preaches female submission, that isn't rhetoric, it's rot. Leaders must be held to a higher standard. Every country should have a national action plan on GBV, with transparent goals and public tracking. Technology can save, or destroy, lives Tech is a double-edged sword. On one side, apps and SMS helplines now allow discreet calls for help. On the other, online harassment is skyrocketing, and surveillance tech like stalking apps are being weaponised by abusers. As the digital world grows, so must our protections. There's progress, but it's not inevitable The good news? Attitudes are shifting. In the last decade, the number of women who believe domestic violence is justifiable has declined significantly in many regions. In countries like Rwanda, integrated legal reform and women's empowerment programs have driven down abuse rates. But this shift didn't happen by accident. It happened because people, policies, and pressure converged. No safety, no progress. Period. Let's be clear: we cannot talk about economic empowerment, political participation, or digital inclusion for women if they're not even safe. Safety is not a luxury. It's the floor on which every other right stands. The SDG Gender Index calls safety a prerequisite for equality. But governments still treat GBV like a 'women's issue' instead of the full-blown security and development crisis that it is. Until we treat GBV like a pandemic, with urgency, funding, and political will, millions of women and gender-diverse people will remain on the front lines of a war they never signed up for. In the next article in this series, we'll turn to a crisis reshaping the ground beneath us -Climate change. From floods to food insecurity, why women and girls are the most vulnerable to a crisis they didn't cause, and why gender justice must be at the heart of climate action. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.

The return of a mask stolen by Belgium is stoking violence in Congo
The return of a mask stolen by Belgium is stoking violence in Congo

Mint

time19 hours ago

  • Mint

The return of a mask stolen by Belgium is stoking violence in Congo

Whenever a Belgian king takes an interest in the Congo, history looms large. In the late 19th century King Leopold II turned the territory into a giant slave plantation, murdering, raping and slicing off limbs in a ruthless bid to profit from its resources. So when Philippe, Belgium's current king, visited the Democratic Republic of Congo in June 2022, he did so in the spirit of atonement. He wanted to open a 'new chapter" in the two countries' relations, he said, and handed over a precious wooden carving known as the Kakungu mask, one of thousands of cultural artefacts looted from Congo that Belgium has promised to give back. Alas, violence seems to have followed Philippe into the Congo like Leopold's ghost. In the same month that he visited, ethnic conflict broke out in Kwamouth, a district just north of Kinshasa, the capital. It pitted the local Teke people against their neighbours, the Yaka and the Suku. The Kakungu mask is venerated by both the Suku and Yaka as an ancestral symbol of war. They believe it confers magical powers on their fighters, making them invulnerable to bullets and giving them the ability to disappear. These attributes had helped their ancestors resist colonisation. According to the UN Group of Experts on the Congo, the return of the Kakungu mask has emboldened Suku and Yaka militias, who call themselves 'Mobondo", to carry out vicious attacks on Teke communities. At least 300 people have been killed and some 160,000 have been forced to flee. The true death toll is probably far higher, though no one knows for sure because the Congolese army has sealed off the worst-affected areas. Humanitarian groups cite unconfirmed figures of more than 3,000 deaths. 'Wait a few years and we'll start finding mass graves," says a journalist based in Kinshasa. Although the return of the Kakungu mask may well have inflamed the violence, the conflict has deeper roots. It began with a disagreement over land rights. The Yaka and Suku had for years paid taxes to Teke customary chiefs in return for permission to farm the land. An attempt by those chiefs to increase the customary tax in early 2022 was the trigger for the initial clashes, which have spiralled into something verging on ethnic cleansing. The Mobondo appear to be trying to drive out the Teke from Kwamouth and nearby areas. The Congolese government has made things worse. It appointed a 'pacification commission" to defuse the conflict in September 2022, led by a member of the Suku royal family, Fabrice Kavabioko, who is also known as King Mini-Kongo. But, according to a UN report, Mr Kavabioko is one of the figureheads of the Mobondo and 'was accused of having been an instigator of the conflict". Many Teke thus felt that the government had sided with their rivals. Mr Kavabioko has reportedly said he was 'entrusted with the restoring peace" and that he had done so. Nearly 300 suspected Mobondo fighters have since been detained, according to Human Rights Watch, an international monitor. Yet over 1,000 more faced no punishment at all. Instead, under a deal apparently brokered by Mr Kavabioko, some were drafted into the Congolese army and sent to fight against M23, a Rwanda-backed rebel group active in the country's far east. 'The lack of accountability for alleged perpetrators deepens mistrust among communities," says Thomas Fessy, a Congo researcher at Human Rights Watch. Congo's army may have also been heavy-handed with Yaka and Suku communities suspected of harbouring Mobondo militants. Five soldiers have been convicted of rape or extrajudicial killings. Some reckon the government is blocking journalists and aid workers from entering Kwamouth for fear they will unearth evidence of further abuses by the armed forces. The Mobondo, meanwhile, continue to attack soldiers and civilians alike. Sign up to the Analysing Africa, a weekly newsletter that keeps you in the loop about the world's youngest—and least understood—continent.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store